Riposte Number Two

IT'S round two to Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Digvijay Singh. P.V. Narasimha Rao had just got a brief reprieve in the form of exemption from personal appearance in court in the Lakhubhai Pathak case. Politically, this meant a licence to hold on to the Congress president's post—and Rao was planning to use this new leverage to humiliate Digvijay, when the lately rebellious chief minister bounced back. On August 1, he sacked his minister of state for Animal Husbandry, Akhand Prasad Yadav, a Rao loyalist. A clear message to Rao that if the high command played a destabilising game, he would defy its authority, come what may.

The sack letter to the minister assigned no reason for the extreme step. Nor did Digvijay summon Yadav for any sort of dialogue before recommending his dismissal. He was obviously paying Rao back in his own coin, for the Congress chief had undermined the chief minister's authority a few days ago by publicly asking him to dismiss seven and suspend six ministers even before issuing a showcause notice. Digvijay managed to force the high command to reverse the order—showcause first and action only after that. He was also able to save two ministers. Nevertheless, the lingering aftertaste was that of loss of face and defiance was the only way to efface this.

By openly defying Rao's authority, Digvijay is emerging as somewhat of a hero among Rao detractors who are waiting for, as they anticipate, the 'inevitable' judicial observation against Rao in any of the ongoing trials—St Kitt's forgery, JMM MPs' bribery and the Lakhubhai Pathak cheating cases.

A day after his dismissal, Yadav called on Rao and three party general secretaries—Sudhakarrao Naik, Janardhana Poojary and B.P. Maurya—demanding the chief minister's removal. "All of them said Digvijay Singh never let the high command know about his move". Constitutionally, a chief minister does not need to consult the party leadership before sacking ministers. But in practice, this prerogative was usurped by the leadership in the '70s—no inclusion or exclusion of ministers has taken place without the high command's approval since then. 

"It's clearly an act of defiance. The chief minister, as far as I know, hadn't taken the high command into confidence," C.R. Sin-ghvi, Congress joint secretary in charge of the state, told Outlook. Maurya was equally vociferous. "This is a deliberate anti-leadership act on the chief minister's part." Aware that the prosecution's noose is tightening around him, Rao is waging a battle for survival. Recently, he appointed loyalist Suresh Kalmadi as Congress Parliamentary Party secretary, and got the party to announce that the new Congress president would be elected by January 21, 1997—almost three years after it was due. Digvijay's rebellion and his association with the dissidents only confirms that more and more people are seeing through Rao's delaying tactics.

Cocking a snook in this fashion, Digvijay has risked his chair—Rao, as Congress chief, can always ask him to step down. "In a trial of strength, Singh would be in a minority and would have to go," says Yadav. In the 320-member assembly, where the Congress has 170 members, the chief minister is hanging on with the support of 11 Bahujan Samaj Party MLAs and 10 independents. In the past few days, he has also won over some dissidents.

In fact, he had almost made up his mind to sack Jamuna Devi—another minister and a former supporter of S.C. Shukla—along with Yadav on August 1. She got a reprieve after she affirmed in writing the change in her loyalties and new faith in Digvijay.

Perhaps, Digvijay is being circumspect in some ways too. He has enough explosive material to put Rao and Santosh Mohan Deb, mines minister under Rao, in the dock on the clandestine transfer of the state-owned Bailadila mines to a private company without involving the state government. And any move to go public with this would cause more harm to Rao than symbolic rebellions. Digvijay desisted from exposing the two on the advice of a senior Congress Working Committee member "as the time for this has not yet come".

But for Rao, time seems to be fleeting. Between now and his crucial trials, he can always have Digvijay removed. But that may only propel Digvijay into a position of more eminence in the party. And more people in the big league won't help Rao. After all, in these troubled times, it only means that much more competition.