Old Grievances, New Loyalties

DOES a change of government translate into a better life for the oppressed? Revisiting Kootharambakkam village, 90 km from Madras, where 48 Dalit families had a year ago threatened to convert to Islam in protest against the inhuman treatment meted out to them by the backward caste Vanniyar community, provides some insight. The date set for the conversion was January 1, 1996. While the conversion has not actually taken place, the issues that prompted the Dalits to announce this extreme step still exist.

Not everyone, it appears, is in favour of conversion. At least 25 families resent the idea of embracing another religion to escape the ignominy of their caste stigma. Says V. Madhurai, a local Dalit leader: "We were forced to abandon the conversion as it would have created fissures among ourselves and would have only strengthened the hands of our oppressors."

 The recently elected DMK government is trying to defuse the situation by floating a peace committee headed by the local DMK MLA, K. Sundaram. As a first step towards reconciliation, Sundaram has asked the Vanniyars to include the Dalits in the forthcoming Mariamman temple festival. But the MLA's efforts could well prove futile. The community has decided to hold the festival away from the temple on private property and say they will not allow the Dalits to participate. They claim they are doing this to protect their 'self-respect' and 'traditional honour'. Says T.G. Laksathipathi, a spokesperson for the Vanniyars: "This is a private function and we will decide who should attend." It is clear that the community is irked by the DMK government's proDalit stance.

Resolving the contentious issues between the Dalits and the Vanniyars could prove to be a tricky task for the state government. One of the major issues which has been festering, centres on access to the Lotus Pond water. Instead of restoring the original route and allowing the Dalits to draw water, which would have irked the Vanniyars, the authorities have provided three hand pumps and a well to address the drinking water issue. In addition to this, 24 brick houses have been constructed and a community television provided for the Dalits. Their 'oppressors' in Kootharambakkam are peeved at these developments, for they claim that their economic condition is no better than that of the 'oppressed'.

The DMK's sympathetic attitude towards the Dalits of the village is understandable. In the last elections, the Dalits voted for the party for the first time in the 47-year history of the DMK. The Adi Dravidars, as Dalits are called in Tamil Nadu, constitute about 20 per cent of the state population and tend to vote en bloc. Interestingly, Dalits were never comfortable with the DMK-led Dravidian movement and they voted only for the Congress till the 1972 elections. With the split in the DMK in 1972 and the emergence of MGR's AIADMK and the demise of Congress leader K. Kamraj, the Dalit vote bank shifted to the AIADMK.

But the overall Dalit issue in Tamil Nadu is not as intractable as the isolated case of Kootharambakkam. There has been a perceptible change since the DMK came to power and there seems to be a sincere attempt to address the problems faced by Dalits in the state. The caste violence that rocked Thirunelveli district is now a thing of the past. Observes Dalit MLA Krishnaswamy: "The violence in Kodyinkulam in Thirunelveli was a state-sponsored one. The previous AIADMK government was blatantly identified with the Thevar community of Sasikala Natarajan which unleashed a reign of terror. The result was that the Dalits voted for the DMK." His organisation, the Devendrakulla Vellar Sangam, feels that the change in the government has given a sense of security to the Dalits.

Apart from Jayalalitha's rule, the other key factor that turned the people from the lowest social strata towards the intermediate caste-led DMK was the Rajnikant factor. In a sense, the movie star replaced MGR in the political imagination of the subaltern classes. The iconic screen narratives of Rajnikant are almost identical to those of MGR. He comes through as a hero with the authority to dispense justice and one who is educated and associates with glamorous women. The neat inclusion of his screen dynamics within the political praxis helped the DMK win over the Dalits. Nearly 70 per cent of the star's die-hard fans are from the subaltern sections.

If the Rajnikant phenomenon brought the Dalits closer to the DMK, it was Karunanidhi's own social positioning that cemented the relationship. Unlike Jayalalitha (a Brahmin), MDMK leader V. Gopalswamy (a Naidu) or G.K. Moopanar (landed gentry), Karunanidhi does not belong to any of the powerfully entrenched and politically ambitious communities. Hailing from the marginal Isai Vellahar community (of temple musicians), Karunanidhi has no caste interest to protect that would undermine the interests of the Dalits. Says Vai Balasundaram of the Ambedkar People's Front: "Karunanidhi is never associated with any caste like other leaders." Most Dalit leaders are quick to point out that the end of the caste war in the southern districts has vindicated their decision to vote for the DMK. The present DMK Cabinet has three Dalit ministers and the prestigious deputy speaker's post has also been given to Parithi Elamvazhuthi, a Dalit. Says a senior leader of the Ambedkar Front: "What is important is that there is both geographical as well as sub-sect representation for Dalits in this cabinet. K. Sundaram is from north Tamil Nadu and belongs to the most oppressed sect; Andiyur Selvaraj is from the south and belongs to a cobbler sect and Samyanallur Selvaraj belongs to the Devendrakulla Vellalars and is from the Cauvery delta region. Parithi hails from Madras."

But there are limitations to the  government-sponsored Dalit upliftment programmes. In the present era of liberalisation and the erosion of state power, how much space can Dalits carve out for themselves? The logic of market forces, per se, is against the Dalit leadership's idea of development.

For his part, Krishnaswamy sees an upper caste ploy in the aggressive push for market reforms. "It is not by accident that the Mandal Commission and liberalisation have come at the same time. When they concede space for us in the state apparatus, they also disempower the state and its ability to provide employment. The DMK will not penalise us; but it does not have the wherewithal to change our plight. For that, we need an imaginative economic program-me from within," says Krishnaswamy.

 But again, this is the first time in the state's history that Dalits have more than the nominal representation of one member in the cabinet. Admits Krishnaswamy: "These pro-active measures are a sea-change compared to the hostile attitude of the previous government."And could mean a better life for Kootharambakkam's Dalits.