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It won’t be hyperbole to say, Gandhi has arrived in Bahrain, inspiring its populace to challenge the might of Bahrain’s authoritarian regime.

It’s the spirit of Gandhi that seems to have taken possession of Mohammed Al-Maskati, who’s the president of the Bahrain Youth Society for Human Rights, which is among the organisations spearheading the demonstrations in Bahrain. Al-Maskati’s voice betrays neither anxiety nor fear as he watches from the window of his house Saudi tanks rumble on the streets of Manama and white-helmeted security personnel toss teargas canisters, fire rubber bullets and wield batons to drive out protesters from the Pearl Roundabout. He told Outlook over the telephone, “Was Gandhi scared then? He wasn’t, nor will we be till we achieve our goal through non-violent means.” India, observers say, is seen as a role model in Bahrain, as also in the larger Arab world, for its vibrant democracy, pluralistic society and increasing economic power.

It was, therefore, incongruous for many protesters in Bahrain to discover hundreds of people from the land of the Mahatma joining the rally organised to show solidarity with the ruling family. A commentator on a local Indian FM radio even extolled the virtues of remaining on the right side of King Al-Khalifa. A light rap on the knuckles of Indian community leaders by ambassador Mohan Kumar quickly brought about a course correction. As one of them told Outlook, “It was a mistake on the part of those who joined the rally. We are guests here, we have come here to work, we should not get involved in local politics.”

Prolonged instability is inimical to Indians, who fear it could deprive them of their jobs and adversely impact their businesses. In a situation changing rapidly every two hours, the demonstration of loyalty to the king could incur the Indians the wrath of the local populace. And though martial law has been clamped down on Bahrain and activists are being hounded, the contours of the future political arrangement aren’t clear yet. Saudi Arabia’s intervention, for sure, has diminished the chances of a negotiated settlement between the king and the opposition. In fact, those Bahrainis who earlier favoured a constitutional monarchy now reportedly want King Khalifa’s ouster.

Saudi Arabia’s sudden presence in Bahrain has complicated the scenario in the Arab world, as it has for the Indians there. True, a provision in the charter of the Gulf Cooperation Council allows member-states to come to the assistance of each other, but this is the first time Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have sent troops to a GCC country, ostensibly to protect Bahrain’s oil installations. Yet, this rhetoric can’t conceal Saudi Arabia’s real intent—an armed intervention to ensure the growing democratic storm doesn’t blow away a friendly regime. This could well become a precedent for ‘cooperation’ in a region witnessing its own version of the Spring Revolution.

Saudi Arabia claims Iran has been fanning the democratic upsurge in Shia-dominated Bahrain, which Riyadh views as its own sphere of influence. Similarly, Tehran used to consider Bahrain as the 14th province of Iran. Despite Riyadh’s attempt to raise the bogey of Iran, there’s no evidence to suggest it’s really Tehran’s hand that’s rocking Bahrain.

Observers feel that the Saudis, through their intervention, are drawing a definite ‘red line’—that it will not allow regime change under popular pressure in the Gulf. Says an observer in the region, “It is a desperate attempt by the Saudis to stem the flow of history in the Gulf.” Agrees a senior diplomat based in Riyadh, “It is clear that the Saudis do not want a Tahrir Square in the Gulf.”

From the time Bahrain erupted, Saudi Arabia has been nervous. For one, Bahrain is joined by a causeway with Saudi Arabia’s oil-rich province of Dammam, which too has a sizeable Shia population. Unrest in Bahrain could well reverberate in Dammam and gradually have effects across Saudi Arabia, challenging the legitimacy of the House of Sauds, which has been ruling the country from its inception in 1932. The Saudis look upon Bahrain as their recreational retreat, driving every weekend to enjoy its relatively more liberal atmosphere. It’s in Bahrain again that many expats working in Saudi Arabia’s oil installations Arabia station their families, availing the excellent educational facilities there.

Considering India’s dependence on the region, New Delhi won’t condemn the Saudi intervention in Bahrain, nor issue statements in support of pro-democracy forces a la Egypt and Libya. Nor has the United States and other western powers, which had sung paeans to democracy at the time a million people converged on Cairo’s Tahrir Square.

It’s a globally valid truism: oil tastes sweeter than freedom. Only, the Gandhis of the world don’t think so.