Music In The Desert

• Hopes Saudi Arabia will convince Pakistan to cap terrorism
• Wants the Palestinian peace process to be completed within a timeframe
• Demands a united, viable Palestine
• Sees Israeli settlements as an obstacle to peace
• Calls for a nuclear-free West Asia, thus blowing against Iran and Israel

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The requisitioning of Saudi Arabia’s help to restrain Pakistan was much celebrated and commented upon in the Indian media. But lost in the obsession with Pakistan were some other aspects of the visit. The Riyadh Declaration, signed between Manmohan and King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, demonstrated significant changes in New Delhi’s approach to Palestine, Israel and Iran, marking what some call a shift in India’s West Asia policy. And Saudi Arabia reciprocated through a telling symbolic gesture—neither Manmohan’s wife Gursharan Kaur nor other women in the Indian delegation were required to do the mandatory hijab in their public engagements. Says a senior MEA official, “The Riyadh Declaration is one of the most significant policy statements by an Indian prime minister on West Asia. For the first time, India has commented on all the major issues before the Arabs—from Palestine to Iran to Iraq to Afghanistan.”

But first, the Pakistan-Afghanistan terror aspect. Reflecting Saudi perturbation at the infiltration of Al Qaeda into neighbouring Yemen and India’s concern at the sea-borne nature of the 26/11 attack, the Riyadh Declaration condemned terrorism and affirmed that “it is global and threatens all societies and is not linked to any race, colour or belief”. No talk of root causes here, no attempt to separate terrorism threatening Saudi Arabia from that plaguing India.

True, the Riyadh Declaration does not name Pakistan; a third country is rarely mentioned in such declarations. But sources say the views exchanged in backroom parleys should comfort India. For one, the Saudis said the Pashtuns, because of their numerical preponderance, have to be an integral part of the solution in Afghanistan. But this does not mean, they insisted, that the Taliban are the only representatives of Pashtuns, who anyway shouldn’t allow the militant organisation to hijack the country’s political agenda. Again, no talk here of good Taliban and bad Taliban, demonstrating the similarity in India and Saudi’s perspectives. The Riyadh Declaration also expresses support for the “efforts aimed at helping Afghanistan develop its infrastructure and achieve social and economic development”—precisely what India is attempting there, and which Pakistan steadfastly opposes.

In addition, sources say, Riyadh and other capitals in the Gulf realise there’s a growing “inter-connectivity” among terrorist groups—Lashkar-e-Toiba, Taliban or Al Qaeda—a view India has been articulating for years. But there are differences over what each sees as the causes underlying the political instability in Pakistan. The Saudis, though of the view that the political class there has not pulled its weight, is glad the army hasn’t intervened overtly. India, in contrast, thinks the army still calls the shots in Pakistan. Irrespective of this difference, sources say New Delhi wants the Saudis to “use their good offices” to help the military and political establishment in Pakistan see sense in stemming terror emanating from its soil.

Through the Riyadh Declaration, Manmohan has conveyed emphatically that India’s growing relationship with Israel —a cause of much worry in the region—wouldn’t be pursued at the expense of its traditional ties with Palestine. In doing so, though, Manmohan has been critical of Israel to an extent not seen in the recent past. Also, no prime minister in the last decade has been as supportive of the Palestinian issue as Manmohan.

Not only does the Riyadh Declaration call for resumption of the Middle East peace process in accordance with the UN Security Council resolution 242 and 338 for a “two-state” solution, it also stresses upon the need to complete negotiations within a “timeframe”. In addition, it also calls for a “united and viable Palestine” and dubs the building of settlements by Israel in Palestinian territory as a “stumbling block for the peace process”. This formulation signals India accepting the Arab position—the West Bank under the Fatah and Gaza under the Hamas must not be treated separately at the time of granting sovereignty to Palestine.

No wonder the Palestinians are happy. The Palestinian ambassador in New Delhi, Adli Shaban Sadeq, told Outlook, “We appreciate it.” He says it should reverse the infiltration of the Indian political system by Israel, which has exploited the focus on global terrorism and the wounds inflicted on India itself through terror strikes. “But India’s reaffirmation on Palestine (which includes the views expressed by Manmohan during the recent visit of Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to India) has surely put the issue to rest,” he says confidently.

The Riyadh Declaration also calls for making West Asia and the Gulf “free of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction”. Though this could be perceived as raising serious concerns about Iran’s alleged “clandestine” nuclear weapons programme, it is also a swipe at the Israelis who have never declared their nuclear weapons. The call for a nuclear-free West Asia addresses the anxiety of the Sunni Arabs about a Shia power—and, simultaneously, expresses the region’s worry about Israel.

The Israelis, understandably, aren’t too happy, though they have refrained from making any official comments. Says an Israeli source, “From time to time Indian leaders have made such comments and we don’t see any significant shift in New Delhi’s stand on these issues. There are some changes in nuances, though.” In diplomacy, radical shifts are rare; nuances often mark the beginning of a shift.