When Chaudhry and—even more shockingly—his wife were "roughed up" by Musharraf's brutish police and the Pakistani media, to its credit, publicized the disgraceful scenes on the TV and in newspapers, practically all hell broke loose. Lawyers of Pakistan have been part of all agitations against tyrants, but they have never before led any agitation. This distinction the Black-coated profession has acquired this time, understandably because the Chief Justice has become the nation's hero and icon by virtue of defying the military regime's tyranny, and enjoys the support of the media and large sections of the Pakistani civic society. The rattled commando general has tried to apologize to the Geo TV channel that his police attacked and has even been talking of a "conspiracy against me". But thisdoesn't seem to be cutting any ice.
The Americans have their own reasons to worry. As is their wont, Bush and his cohorts have been speaking with a "forked tongue", berating Musharraf in private for giving comfort to the Taliban and Al Qaeda and publicly praising him as their "key ally" in the war on terrorism. Their theory that, all things considered, he is their "best bet" because anyalternative to him "would be worse" is fraying at the seams.
The crowning irony is that what began as a personal tussle between the mighty president-cum-army chief and the head of the Pakistani judiciary has gone far beyond the original cause and in a remarkably short timeframe and has focused on the fundamental issues of "return of democracy, rule of law and separation of powers". The resignations of half a dozen judges in protest against the beastly treatment meted out to Chaudhry and his Begumspeak for themselves. The country is taunting Mush about "enlightened moderation" and "real democracy". Even so, it is worth examining why Mush wanted the upright and respected Chief Justice out.
At first it seemed that Musharraf was apprehensive that the CJ might obstruct his dubious plan to get himself re-elected president for five more years while retaining the right to wear his military uniform. But since the plan is timed for end September, it could not have been the cause of precipitate action at so early a stage. It is more likely that the General was peeved by the unanimous judgment of a nine-man bench, headed by Chaudhry, invalidating the sale of the Pakistan Steel Mill. What infuriated him even more were reports that the CJ was about to ask the ministries of defence and the interior to produce in court, or explain the whereabouts of, a large number of Pakistanis who have "gone missing". Those who have filed a petition on this issue allege that these persons have been handed over to the CIA by the Pakistani ISI in return of generous cash, reportedly as much as $ 80 million.
According to Pakistan's highly respected commentator, Ayaz Amir, what Musharraf had landed himself in is nothing less than a "judicial Kargil", although its impact could turn out to bethat the "military debacle" on those steep heights, from which Nawaz Sharif "rescued our budding Rommels" by scurrying toWashington—something he has since regretted. Who would rescuer Musharraf from the present disaster?
India, of course, has no role in the whole sordid affair. Nor would it be wise for any Indian to intervene in Pakistan's internal affairs although the Indian people's preference is to have democracy, not military rule, there. However, the inevitable weakening of Musharraf in his country would surely affect adversely the peace process that, for all thedisappointments and frustrations on both sides, has gone on for more than three years.