Sunil Dutt, Congress MP:
Politicians from either side of the border should stop using the Indo-Pak issue as and when they need public support. They have used false and vicious propaganda to create an atmosphere of tension, in which only the perpetrators thrive at the cost of the hapless victims. The only problem between the two countries is Kashmir and that must be resolved with some concrete measures. While we are at it, it is imperative to improve people-to-people relationship. I come from a place now in Pakistan and I will never forget the kind of welcome I received during a visit to my village after 50 years. Similarly, Pakistani artistes command tremendous respect here in India. It's time the governments of the two countries start working hard to 'unite' these two peoples. They should refrain from using the tension for their own political ends.
Cho Ramaswamy, Rajya Sabha MP:
Ultimately, the recognition of the LoC as the international border should be the solution. Pakistan continues to encourage infiltration. This is one issue that needs to be tackled during the talks. No one expects anything out of this summit though I will be satisfied if they agree to continue to talk...if Musharraf invites Vajpayee to Pakistan. I'm disturbed, however, by the opening of the LoC even before the talks. New Delhi should ponder on whether genuine relatives will benefit or infiltrators.
J.N. Dixit, Former Foreign Secretary:
The LoC, with some adjustments, should be declared the international border. But both Pakistan and India have to make sure that it will safeguard each other's interests. For example, Pakistan has an interest in safeguarding the Karakoram highway. It should be assured that it would not be harmed. Some give-and-take needs to be done. The LoC, for example, will have to be straightened in the Cham sector in order to hand over the area to India. As a quid pro quo, we can hand over certain areas to Pakistan in some other region. And if these adjustments are acceptable to Pakistan, then we can withdraw from Siachen.
Secondly, the fulfilment of the aspirations of the people of Jammu and Kashmir is also an important factor. For that, the state should be given autonomy. And, there must be a serious effort to stop propaganda and terrorism. Pakistan will have to stop harping on the "unfinished task of Partition", and hawks in India should forget their dream of Akhand Bharat.
There is genuine apprehension among Pakistanis that India being a huge economy will swamp theirs. Cooperation, therefore, should be limited to areas where our neighbour has no apprehensions.
Muchkund Dubey, Former Foreign Secretary:
It is true that India is committed to settling the Kashmir issue with Pakistan. However, the only way to solve the issue with Pakistan, in a manner consistent with India's basic position, is to put itself in a state where Pakistan is left with no alternative but to accept the status quo. We could have done so by having the Kashmiri people on our side, but successive governments of India have failed both militarily and politically in the state.
I would say give back to the Kashmiris what is promised in the Instrument of Accession and Article 370. It's ironic, we are not willing to give full autonomy to Kashmir but are prepared to bargain with Pakistan for the future dispensation of the state.
Perhaps, we need to give credence to the LoC.In any negotiation with Pakistan within the framework to be agreed at the summit, outside powers will be breathing down our neck, including a power with whom the present government is over-anxious to forge a strategic partnership. In this situation, it is extremely important to have a national consensus on the final fallback position on the Kashmir issue. And that position is pretty obvious—any solution to the problem must be consistent with India's national ethos of democracy and secularism and mustn't undermine its territorial integrity.
Salman Haidar, Former Foreign Secretary:
A solution is possible only if the two countries talk. In that sense, this is an important summit—Vajpayee and Musharraf could throw up surprises. Long-term problems need to be handled carefully, which I am sure, both sides are keen to address.
I.K. Gujral, Former Prime Minister:
The solution lies in the restoration of j&k's unity. I am strongly opposed to trifurcation because it is not consistent with the Indian democratic system. It is also unfortunate that the government has been slack in discussing the issue with our own people. The j&k state assembly's proposal was rejected outright by the Centre. This can be the basis on which talks can begin. K.C. Pant should try and evolve a consensus on how much and what part of the autonomy proposal to accept or reject.
Natwar Singh, Former Congress Foreign Minister:
The solution can only come from within the framework of the Simla Agreement and the Lahore Declaration. And it can come only through negotiation, not through war. Now, with both countries becoming nuclear, war is out of question. Diplomatic arteries have hardened on both sides. Let's see if Vajpayee and Musharraf can carry out a diplomatic bypass. After the Simla Agreement, there was peace for 27 years. Kargil followed three months after Lahore. So, first we have to create an atmosphere which prevailed between 1972 and 1998.
Shatrughan Sinha, BJP MP and Actor:
The problem has been there for the last 50 years and cannot be solved overnight by a miracle. Dialogue is the best solution, not war. War only looks good on the screen. Look at China and Taiwan—there is political tension between the two but there is also billions of dollars of trade. We should first zero in on cultural and commercial exchanges and build a positive atmosphere.
Khaled Ahmed, Senior Editor, The Friday Times:
I think the status quo on the LoC is definitely frozen. I don't think it is now possible for one to take the other's territory. Most people who run Pakistan are reconciled to this. But they will not state their position publicly. The Indian side will also not say it. The moment you accept some kind of formalisation on Kashmir, then everything—all the rest—will subside. But I think the onus of change is on Pakistan. Any policy that has been pursued for 10 years without yielding results has to be diversified. Pakistan's economic decline has spurred new thinking here. But this is not being articulated here because there is an impression in New Delhi that Pakistan is a dead-beat state.
Farhatullah Babar, Former Editor, The Frontier Post, and spokesman of ex-PM, Benazir Bhutto:
The Kashmir problem remains unresolved in spite of three wars between the two countries, Pakistan's flaunting of the UN resolution and India's assertion that the Valley is its atoot ang. Even the stress on the UN resolution is now decreasing. It's time we looked at the problem afresh. It is not right to say that relations cannot normalise without Kashmir, nor do we subscribe to the view that the dispute must be solved in one go. Meanwhile, open the borders of Kashmir, allow Kashmiris from both sides to meet freely for five to six years, and then hold a summit involving India, Pakistan and Kashmiri leaders.
Irshad Ahmad Haqqani, Former Minister and currently Senior Editor, Jang:
The LoC as the border is unacceptable. That's the first principle. Also, the UN resolution is unrealistic. We can start to bargain from the Chenab formula and then we will see how discussions proceed. People are very realistic. Musharraf will be able to sell anything that will be reasonably fair. He will be able to sell it easily and also gain in popularity. Even in Punjab, not only in Sindh and Baluchistan.
Husain Naqi, Director, Human Rights Commission:
A solution that allows the Valley maximum internal autonomy will finally be acceptable. This will, of course, involve slight changes in the existing LoC.The UN resolution, in my view, is not practical. Pakistanis are fatigued because our resources are spent on maintaining such a large army. What kind of logic is it that costs us Rs 35 to mail a letter to India?
Anees Jillani, Advocate, Pakistan Supreme Court, and member, Washington DC Bar:
Ladakh and Jammu should go to India. Both parts of Kashmir should be united and become an independent nation. Pakistan should get the northern areas. I feel this is acceptable. As an additional incentive to India, it should get a membership of the UN Security Council.
Haamid Mir, Editor, Ausaf:
There are two options. Either through talks or without it. If it is through talks, then it has to be the Chenab formula. On one side of the Chenab the majority of the areas are Muslim-dominated—Poonch, Rajouri, half of Doda, a quarter of Udhampur; then there are the Valley districts of Srinagar, Badgam, Baramullah, Kupwara, Pulwama, Anantnag. In Ladakh, only Kargil and Dras go to Pakistan. On the other side, the entire city of Jammu, Kathua, half of Doda, and three-fourths of Udhampur go to India, all these being Hindu-dominated.
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