Anawratha’s Battle-Axe

The outburst of anti-Muslim violence in Myanmar should not have come as a surprise as the country has a long tradition of political Buddhism, and, because of its roots in the struggle against British colonial rule in the last century, it has always been closely associated with nationalism. ‘To be a Myanmar means to be a Buddhist’ is a common concept, and that leaves little room for religious minorities. The Muslims are especially vulnerable, as many seem to believe that they are ‘foreigners’ brought in by the British—ignoring the fact that there have been Muslims in the country for more than 1,000 years. Muslim migrants were traders while others served as royal advisors and administrators long before any colonial power arrived on the scene.

As Myanmar is breaking with its isolationist past, a new nationalist identity is also emerging, a pride in a country that for decades has been an international pariah. One look at social media and it’s evident how many now post pictures of the Buddha, and the three most celebrated warrior kings in Myanmar’s history: Anawratha, founder of the Bagan empire in 1044; the 16th century conqueror Bay­innaung; and Alaungpaya, who founded the third and last Myanmar Empire in 1752. Huge statues of these three war­­rior kings stand on the parade ground in new capital Naypyidawto, epitomising the ‘new’ Myanmar. The situation is also not unlike what happened after the collapse of the Soviet bloc in the late 1980s, leading to the growth of everything, from neo-Nazism to religious cults. Feelings and notions that have been suppressed for years return with a vengeance.

But there is nothing, so far, to indicate that this new brand of nationalism, and attacks on ‘the foreigners’, have radicalised Muslim communities. Many Muslims in urban areas are petty businessmen who would not want to jeo­p­a­rdise their livelihood. The rural Muslim population close to the Bangladesh border—who call themselves Rohingyas, a term not accepted by the majority population—are too timid to fight back in any organised way. On the other hand, the attacks on Myanmar’s Muslims have attracted the attention of radical Muslims elsewhere in the region, resulting in demonstrations in India and Pakistan, threats against the Myanmar embassy in Jakarta, and possibly the bomb blasts at Bodh Gaya, though that is the last thing Mya­nmar Muslims would want at a time when they are keeping a low pro­file so as not to provoke further violence.

But why is the country’s moral conscience, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, not doing anything? The problem is that whatever she says could be used against her. She does not want to antagonise the military whose support is vital in her attempt to reform Myanmar’s still rigid governmental structure. But being silent has tarnished her image as a champion of human rights. Many may forgive her for saying nothing about the Rohingyas, but her silence on the attacks against Myanmarese-speaking Muslims in the heartland is an entirely different story. In the end, the once popular Suu Kyi may find herself marginalised in the country as well as internationally, and the military, siding with the nationalist Buddhists, will emerge as the ‘saviour of the nation’.

Swedish journalist Bertil Lintner is a reputed author and commentator on Myanmar; E-mail your columnist: bertil.lintner AT gmail.com