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‘Zero Effect, Zero Defect’

Union minister of environment and forests Prakash Javadekar denies pro-corporate bias at the cost of environment.

The BJP government’s push for speedy clearances is raising major concerns. The Union minister of environment and forests Prakash Javadekar is facing considerable flak. In an interview with Lola Nayar before this Parliament session, the minister denies any pro-corporate bias at the cost of environment.

There is a growing perception that you are more pro-corporate sector?

It is a wrong perception. Basically, I am pro-nation. My slogan is ‘development without destruction’, which is zero effect, zero defect. We are all for sustainable development. Beca­use you cannot stop the wheel of progress but at the same time you have to ensure that it has to be a sustainable development. My commitment for sustainable development is always clear.

I will give an example. At the outset, when I assumed charge of the ministry, I took a policy decision on defence projects which had been pending for long.  We decided that if we want to protect nature we must protect the country and therefore defence projects are on a different scale. They are not private. Therefore, border roads and all defence infrastructure projects within 100 km of LoC were given general approval. I always see the larger picture. But no compromise on any environmental condition is an integral part of that policy. 

There are concerns that you have cut short the environment impact assessment (EIA) studies in the process of project approval.

We have not diluted a single condition. What we’re doing away with is unnecessary delay. EIA has not been done away with. It’ll go through the process of expert appraisal committee. What we have facilitated is online submission of application. The applica­nts can track the file, which means the file will move in a time-bound manner. Is that wrong?

The first stage is ToR (terms of reference to describe the purpose and structure of the project). We have now made standard ToR for 34 industrial sectors because after studying for years how the expert appraisal committee decides the ToRs, we have standardised it. So if the project proponent gives full information according to standard ToRs, three months are saved. In the past, getting the ToRs used to take seven years. That is also saved. So I am not compromising, only standardising.

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The impression is that the process of the appraisal committee has been cut short by doing away with any review...

Not so, as the expert appraisal committee can ask for additional ToRs and after impact assessment, give approval. What is critical is the approval by the expert appraisal committee through environment impact assessment. Actually, I have added more things to the EIA. It cannot be a consultant’s job of cut and paste. I will not accept it. It has to be backed by technology. We are going to monitor projects in real time through satellite, through internet, through the use of technology.

You say the monitoring is being strengthened, but in what manner?

There is the National Green Tribunal, a creation of the environment ministry, and the court to address the grievances. The reports of the NGT and environment ministry being at cross-purpose have no basis. We welcome suggestions and judgements as we need someone for monitoring too.

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The UPA government towards the end seemed to be in a race to grant approvals for many of the pending projects. Are you in the same game?

Our effort is to speed up the process of approvals but avoid the quid pro quo which existed during the UPA. My quid pro quo is different. When I gave general app­roval to 300 pen­ding projects of the defence ministry, I called the def­ence secretary and said I want quid pro quo. I told him that in hundreds of cities, road widening, railway overbridge and flyover projects are pending because of involvement of defence land. For public good, I asked him to permit 300 such imp­ortant projects in various cities. That was my quid pro quo. That is also the difference between the UPA government and the Modi government.

You talk of environment and forest protection, then why is there a dilution of the gram sabha role in decisions regarding use of forest land?

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That is not true. Wherever private projects, private industries, etc are concerned, it will require gram sabhas’ permission. Even in case of land acquisition. What have been exempt are linear projects like pipelines, which is not a polluting project, which may cover 1,000 km. For such projects, which we have classified as general approval schemes, gram sabha approval will not be required. Apart from this, we have not diluted the gram sabhas’ role.

You have been talking about the cleaning up of the Ganges. What about the high level of pollution in other rivers?

The Ganges is the beginning of the river cleaning operations, which is a massive operation. Our rivers are as bad as Europe’s and America’s rivers were 50 years ago. They decided on a plan. They worked on it and now their rivers are clean. We are also launching similar plans of cleaning up the rivers.

On the one hand, the government is talking about lowering pollution levels, on the other it’s pushing more coal-fired thermal plants.

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The world is celebrating India’s major ann­ouncement of scaling up its renewable target to 185,000 MW which means more than 350 million tonnes of carbon emissions saved per year and this is practically a 2020 target which we are not mandated under Kyoto.

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