August proved to be an eventful month. And not just because of the good monsoon or because India's first Sikh PM completed 100 days in office. The month will also be remembered for the over half-a-dozen agitations by various unions. In fact, ever since the UPA government's come to power with support from the Left parties, the number of strikes seems to have gone up dramatically. A dozen happened in the last three months; more can be expected in September.
Is the growing political clout of the Left emboldening the trade unions? Why have workers taken to the streets now when they should have had better equations with the ruling government? Or is there a case to prove that the spate of strikes is linked to a period of transition and that the new government's budget gave the already enthused trade unions opportunities? We spoke to politicians, trade unionists, communist intellectuals and experts to find out what's brought back the spring into the workers' stride.
A sizeable section, as expected, believes in the 'Left' factor. "There is a feeling of liberation now. Also a feeling of empowerment. The unions want a share in the development process," feels Kamal Mitra Chenoy, professor of comparative and Indian politics, JNU. According to him, when other tools of industrial protests like black badges and work-to-rule don't work, then the least-preferred option of strikes is put into action.
It's not as though the unions were afraid of the former nda government. But, explains Amarjeet Kaur, secretary of the CPI-affiliated AITUC, "We feel that if we show our strength on the streets today, it will strengthen those who are in a position to bargain for us." We know who she's referring to by looking at the indirect political support garnered by some of the striking unions. For example, the bank employees' strike last month was "led" by the Left, a claim both by unions which took part in it and those which didn't. It's also a known fact that senior CPI(M) leader Harkishen Singh Surjeet played a role to help end the week-long truckers' strike.
"The Left parties are our leading force, and they are coming to the conclusion that if the good points of the UPA's common minimum programme have to be implemented, then struggle is essential," says M.K. Pandhe, president of the CPI(M)-affiliated citu. Hasubhai Dave, president of the Sangh parivar-affiliated BMS, whose union has stayed away from most of the protests, goes a step further and says the Left parties are creating an atmosphere of discontent among the workers, prompting them to agitate. "They're simply building their profile, showing their constituency they can get things done," he adds.
However, Left politicians deny these charges, at least in public. "We've never supported the strikes, it's got nothing to do with the Left. After being at the receiving end during the nda rule, the workers' pent-up demands are now getting released, that's all," says senior CPI(M) leader Nilotpal Basu. And leaders of the Congress-affiliated INTUC would like us to believe that the strikes have an "economic" origin, though they admit that the Left parties have been "instigating" workers.
For the past few years, trade unions have been exercised over issues such as higher FDI caps in sectors like insurance and aviation, PSU privatisation and cuts in PF interest rates. nda policymakers took the easy option by postponing most such decisions, and changed divestment strategy by opting for sale through stockmarkets, rather than strategic sales to a single private entity. It's the present government—one supposed to be worker-friendly—which went ahead with reduction in PF rates, increase of FDI caps, and continuing to sell PSU shares through the stockmarket route.
So, workers feel they might lose the battle unless they agitate and make their presence felt.Hence the intensified struggle. J. John, executive director of the Delhi-based Centre for Education and Communication, a labour resource centre, feels the nda's policies favoured industry, now there's been a paradigm shift. "Today, the worker wants a share in GDP growth. He's affirming it via strikes." The Left parties sponsored a National Demands Day on August 20 to protest UPA's policies.
The bitter truth is that even the Left's realised the new government is not catering to the demands of their main constituency. It did talk about "reforms with a human face", its CMP spoke of labour-friendly policies, but the past 100-plus days show that it is actually singing a different tune to allay the apprehensions of foreign investors. Apart from the larger issues, micro demands like wage revisions and lowering of certain taxes are also on the unions' radar. "Trade unions expect more and are putting the Left under pressure to take a harder line," admits Chenoy.
But will the bandhs, strikes and agitations help the unions achieve their goals? After all, the fortunes of the unions have been on the decline for some years now. They can no longer demand that their bonuses not be performance-linked, have to live with closures and vrs. They also have to accept that the Left leadership is in ideological turmoil. Not only are these parties supporting a government led by the original architect of reforms at the Centre, even in their own stronghold West Bengal, their chief minister is desperately trying to educate the masses about the benefits of privatisation, FDI and other reforms. Given this, the recent uprising can be seen as a last-ditch effort by a people who've had their backs to the wall. Admits Ashwani Mahajan, convenor, SJM, "When have governments listened to trade unions? If that was the case, the BJP would have agreed to the demands of the BMS."