The Birth Of A Frankenstein

The BJP national leaders are either apologetic or unwilling to come out in defence of Kalyan Singh, who inducted 40 of the 48 defectors, including some with a criminal background, into his 93-member cabinet. "There's no deal involved. It's purely a political settlement," said BJP spokesman Yashwant Sinha. But that is not enough to dispel the impression that the BJP compromised all principles for the sake of power. Kalyan, generally perceived to be a victim of "gubernatorial conspiracy", suddenly finds himself standing closer to figures like Bhajan Lal, who has this reputation of engineering defections, using the lure of money or power or both.

Kalyan came rushing to Delhi on Diwali to explain to Advani the circumstances in which his jumbo ministry was born. Advani supporters claim the party president did not anticipate such a mess-up in cabinet formation. And that he disapproved of its size and the inclusion of history-sheeters. But in a monolith like the BJP, chief ministers are not usually accorded the kind of autonomy Kalyan allegedly wielded this time. After all, Advani and Vajpayee had decided on an alliance with the BSP in March, discounting his misgivings.

 The BJP, especially Advani, has been a votary of crime-free politics and has always favoured a ministry not exceeding one-tenth of the total members of the elected House. The UP developments obviously come as a shock; and on both counts Advani has a lot of rationalising to do.

For the BJP, defending Kalyan in his new avatar is a difficult task, and yet it has to be done. When the defence is weak, offence is the best weapon. And that is what the BJP seems to be working at as the winter session of Parliament, beginning November 19, is almost certain to debate the UP developments.

But first, the BJP had to put its house in order so that it could take an aggressive posture against the UF government. Thus, Advani arranged a meeting between Govindacharya and Vajpayee in Delhi on October 29, hoping the message of unity would trickle down from the top. Vajpayee had softened a bit after the British high commission clarified that Govindacharya had called Vajpayee the "most popular and acceptable face", not a mere

mukhota (mask) as reported.

Advani initiated the truce largely because the Uttar Pradesh situation had demanded a cohesive front. Also, senior RSS leaders, including Dattopant Thengri, defended Govindacharya so strongly that, if stretched further, it might have created more bad blood at the top.

Quietly enjoying the drama from the stands was Murli Manohar Joshi. He still holds a grudge against Vajpayee and Advani for not backing him for a second term as BJP chief, beyond 1993. His loyalists in Bihar, a state under Govindacharya's charge, hate the RSS-backed leader and ridicule him both in private and public—in fact, this time they harboured a declared mission of "demolishing him".

Aware of the emerging situation where a fight within might expose and shatter the party's image, Vajpayee has taken the initiative to lead the "offensive against the Gujral regime in Parliament." On Advani's request, he called off his trip to New York to participate in UN proceedings and other engagements organised by the BJP's overseas friends scheduled from November 1.

As one compromise leads to another, Advani seems inclined to continue as party chief till mid-term polls which, says the BJP think-tank, will be sooner than many reckon. In an extension of the UP formula, Advani has already welcomed any split in the Congress to support Vajpayee as prime minister should the Gujral government fall; Vajpayee is said to be opposed to the idea of Kushabhao Thakre replacing Advani at this juncture. "Advani won't resist the move to continue till elections," says a party office-bearer.

If its mission to cause defections from the Congress—the BJP is said to be targeting about 50-55 MPs opposed to Sitaram Kesri—fails, then the BJP's next course of action will be to expose the Gujral government on 'corruption charges', some of them directed at the prime minister's family members itself.

The facade of unity, however, seems a tactical one. So is the offensive tactic. Thanks largely to Kalyan, who has been able to force the national leaders to go for an unapologetic push for power.

Kalyan apparently enjoys the support of Vajpayee, Advani and even the RSS top brass, but the disturbing factor for them is the large presence of criminal elements in the UP cabinet and its implications on law and order—a point Kalyan harped on in his previous term.

With the opposition led by Mulayam Singh Yadav's Samajwadi Party crying revenge, law and order will be Kalyan's biggest test. Coupled with this is the onerous task of upholding the image of his government. "If there is even a single corruption charge against any of his cabinet colleagues, we will expect him to probe it. Or we will ask him to get out, no matter what the BJP does," says a senior RSS functionary.

That may be easier said than done. Both the RSS and the BJP are toeing a tactical line to wrest power. On the way, they might have gained a government, but their image has been dented.