"Kashi and Mathura are even more important to Hindus than Ayodhya. We would like our self-pride to be preserved here." —Prof Rajendra Singh, Sarsanghchalak of RSS, at a rally in Lucknow on November 23, 1997.
"Kashi and Mathura are even more important to Hindus than Ayodhya. We would like our self-pride to be preserved here." —Prof Rajendra Singh, Sarsanghchalak of RSS, at a rally in Lucknow on November 23, 1997.
THIS reminder from Big Brother himself that the sequel to Ayodhya was very much on the cards could not have been better timed. And with the universally depressing prospect of a mid-term election looming large, Professor Rajendra Singh alias Rajju Bhaiya, the all-powerful Sarsanghchalak of the RSS, also brought to the fore crucial differences with the BJP as he reminded a 50,000-strong gathering of RSS swayamsevaks at Begum Hazratmahal Park that Hindus could not forget the 'Krishna Janmabhoomi' and Vishwanath temples, for they symbolise Hindu pride.
While the BJP's official line, which has been repeatedly articulated by senior leaders, has been that Kashi and Mathura are not on its agenda, at least immediately, the RSS has made it more than clear that it is not willing to tone down its hardline Hindutva position. Accordingly, Rajju Bhaiya's pronouncement was loud and clear. And Uttar Pradesh chief minister Kalyan Singh, dressed as a swayamsevak (khaki knickers, white shirt, black topi and a laathi in hand), listened to Singh's edict carefully. For good reason, too. Less than a fortnight before the fifth anniversary of the demolition of the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya, Rajju Bhaiya's pronouncements were likely to guide the BJP's future political agenda.
This time around, however, the Places of Worship Act passed by Parliament in 1993 —after Ayodhya—comes as a blighter to the RSS chief's plans. The law stipulates that status quo as on August 15, 1947, be maintained at all places of worship. As a political party, the BJP may not be able to overlook the law as easily as it did five years ago. But it is equally important for the BJP, especially the Uttar Pradesh chief minister, to be seen to toe the RSS line, if he is to maintain his support base. His presence at the rally as a Sangh volunteer is by itself ample proof of that. More importantly, it indicates that the BJP is all set to go the whole hog with the aggressive Hindu card in case of a mid-term poll.
Meanwhile, the Congress' reaction was as expected. What followed was the familiar sabrerattling between the forces of Hindutva and a fractured state unit of the Congress. But still, licking its wounds after 22 of its MLAs formed the Loktantrik Congress and supported the Kalyan Singh government in October, the Congress was the first, and probably the only, party which reacted in no uncertain terms to the RSS-BJP overtures.
Congress Legislature Party leader Pramod Tiwari promptly accused the fledgling Kalyan government of conspiring to provoke communal strife. Two days later he shot off a letter to Uttar Pradesh governor Romesh Bhandari, demanding that the state government be dismissed. "A similar atmosphere was created before December 6, 1992, and not only did the government make false statements in the Assembly, Lok Sabha and the National Integration Council, it also filed a false affidavit in the Supreme Court, for which the chief minister was convicted," the Congress leader wrote.
As for the Loktantrik Congress, which is a constituent of the BJP-led coalition in Uttar Pradesh, a sense of discomfort is more than palpable. Ministers, who till recently flaunt-ed their 'secular credentials', can neither support nor oppose the RSS stand. Most uncomfortable is Loktantrik Congress leader and energy minister Naresh Aggarwal. "The Loktantrik Congress has a different commitment from that of the government," he says. "The RSS may say anything but the UP government will abide by the Supreme Court verdict on Ayodhya."
The BJP and the RSS, on the other hand, are putting up a blase front, asserting that there is no shift in their respective positions on the issue. BJP spokesman Yashwant Sinha says his party's stand on the Ayodhya issue is very clear: the construction of a Ram temple at Ayodhya is not possible unless the BJP comes to power in Uttar Pradesh on its own, with Atal Behari Vajpayee as prime minister at the Centre. Kashi and Mathura, for the moment, are not on the party's agenda. But Sinha reflects his party's ambiguity on this explosive issue when he says: "Whether for the moment they are not on our agenda or whether in future they will be part of our agenda is not the question."
Unlike the BJP, the RSS is not saddled with the attendant compulsions of realpolitik and its leadership openly disagrees with the BJP on Kashi and Mathura. In fact, the RSS leadership believes that the BJP's repeated references to political compulsions could hamper their agenda. "The BJP complains that our clear-cut stand on certain issues affects their votebank, but we are not committed to their strategy," says a top Sangh functionary. "The BJP should take care of its compulsions. We don't object to it, nor do we encourage it."
The current crop of divisions in the Sangh parivar can be traced to the formation of the Kalyan government in October. Top BJP leaders, including Vajpayee, not only justified the induction of several history-sheeters in the cabinet but also said the experiment could be repeated in Delhi. This did not go down well with the RSS, a self-proclaimed votary of "high moral values". To make this clear, the Sangh is now trying to project itself at variance with the BJP's political moves. Word is being spread that in a meeting with Kalyan last week, Rajju Bhaiya cautioned him about the activities of some of his ministers, while generally disapproving of the presence of criminal elements in the cabinet.
So much so that Kalyan's presence at the Lucknow rally did not prevent the RSS supremo from making a strong statement on the emotive Kashi-Mathura issue. When contacted by Outlook, Kaushal Kishor, the RSS' all-India Sampark Pramukh, retorted: "Will the Sangh change its thinking just because Kalyan Singh was present there? We are not influenced by him, nor are we guided by the BJP." For their part, BJP leaders have sought to play down these differences. "The RSS, VHP and BJP perceive things from their own position and nothing more should be read into that," asserts party general secretary K.N. Govindacharya.
CLEARLY, the BJP has had to compromise on its Hindutva agenda due to political constraints. Kalyan's admission that a Ram temple cannot be a reality until the BJP forms a government at the Centre—despite rhetoric to the contrary for nearly two decades—is a pointer to that. On the other hand, RSS functionaries emphasise that the organisation has all along been urging the Muslims to voluntarily hand over the Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi and the Mathura Idgah to the Hindus. The issue, for them, is far from over.
Significantly, the RSS in normal circumstances does not openly espouse an agitationist approach. Agitations on any issue consistent with the Sangh's worldview are left entirely to its various units and the Sangh merely monitors and supports them. Says Kishor: "We (the RSS) don't pronounce the agitation, it is looked after by the VHP. The BJP derives the political benefit."
And with prospects of a snap poll increasing, Rajju Bhaiya's reminder has caused the BJP immense embarrassment, as it has come at a time when the party is trying to downplay the demolition and the subsequent violence. If support is mobilised on the twinned Kashi-Mathura issue, it will have to answer some difficult questions: What locus standi does it have to raise the issue when it is pleading helplessness vis-avis building the Ayodhya temple? Will it remain a one-agenda party at a time when its political ambition is growing?
On the face of it, Rajju Bhaiya only reiterated the RSS' official position. But Kalyan's presence gave it an altogether different twist. Despite the BJP's reiteration that Kashi and Mathura are not on its agenda, somewhere along the line the Sangh parivar wants to send the message across that the Hindutva card is far from dead. And the BJP seems to have little option but to bow to the Big Brother. But at what cost?
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