Man Out Of Periscope

"I am a respectable non-resident Indian, I can never dream of getting involved in anything that could undermine national security. I have absolutely no connection with the transaction of the purchase of Scorpene submarines nor with the War Room Leak case of the navy."

—Ravi Shankaran, nephew of naval chief Admiral Arun Prakash’s wife, in an April 2, 2006, press release

trange words for a man on the run from the law and close to being officially declared a proclaimed offender by theCBI. The agency has been assigned, rather late in the day, the task of unearthing the truth about the infamous naval war room leak case in which classified information was smuggled out on pen drives in May 2005. Three navy officers were dismissed in the case and have charges framed against them under the Official Secrets Act. Among the civilian recipients of the information was Ravi Shankaran, currently on theCBI’s wanted list.

Why was the CBI handed over the case only in February this year? Sources in the navy say the delayed response by the defence ministry gave Shankaran enough time and opportunity to escape abroad. The last intelligence on him indicated he was in London. But by the time theCBImoved and got an Interpol red corner notice issued against him and revoked his passport, Shankaran seems to have disappeared. Whether he has gone underground in the UK or has sneaked through to France on a forged passport is a matter of conjecture. TheCBIbelieves Shankaran’s prolonged stay abroad may have helped him clean up his accounts and destroy any paper trail.

Questions on the prolonged delay in prosecuting the civilian recipients of classified information have been raised right from the outset. At one point, defence minister Pranab Mukherjee even went so far as to give the civilians involved a clean chit. In fact, the manner in which the case has been handled by the navy, the defence ministry and theCBIstrongly suggests a cover-up.

A few pointers to that effect:

• Why was there a delay of over 45 days between the handing over of the case to the CBIand the first arrests?
  
• Why was Kulbhushan Parashar, an associate of Shankaran, allowed to travel abroad after defence minister Pranab Mukherjee named him in Parliament as a possible suspect in the case?
  
• Why did navy chief Admiral Arun Prakash reward Commodore Bimal Verma, who, as principal director, naval operations, was directly in charge of the war room at the time of the leak? He was issued a letter of severe displeasure by naval headquarters.
  
• Why did the navy chief promote Rear Admiral Pradeep Kaushiva, who was assistant chief of navy (operations) and responsible for the directorate of naval operations, even as the board of inquiry was investigating?

In fact, the role of naval headquarters in the case continues to be suspect. While Captain Kashyap Kumar, one of the officers accused in the case, was dismissed, his boss Commodore Bimal Verma, who was issued a letter of severe displeasure for his "acts of omission and commission" in the war room leak case, has been rewarded with a plum post. Verma is now slated to commandINS Mysore. This is viewed as a major advancement in his career since the vessel is considered the premier destroyer of the Indian navy. Interestingly, the personnel directorate of the navy is headed by Vice Admiral Nirmal Verma, Bimal’s brother and the man who cleared the post.

In response to a detailed questionnaire Outlook sent on the favour shown to Verma, the navy said that "issues pertaining to appointments of officers" are in "accordance with established norms and guidelines".

It was, in any case, pressure from the media and the Opposition that forced the defence ministry to take a fresh look at the war room leak case. It was handed over to theCBI on February 18, nearly a week after Outlook exposed the Rs 18,000-crore Scorpene submarine scam and its link to the war room leak. The defence ministry has been insisting since September 2005 that action would be taken against the civilians involved. Yet, nothing was done till April 5, 2006, when Parashar was finally arrested at the Indira Gandhi International airport. He was on his way back home from London.

The arrest, however, was preceded by an incident in February. Outlook has learnt that a letter marked ‘secret’ was sent to the residence ofCBI director Vijay Shankar on the evening of February 18, a Saturday, asking the agency to take up the naval war room leak case. Shankar, who was on his way to a social function, read the letter and then locked it in a safe. The next day, however, he was upset to see the contents of the letter leaked in the media. How and why did that happen?

Sources in CBI told Outlook that a copy of the letter had also been marked to the director, Intelligence Bureau(DIB), E.S.L. Narasimhan. When Shankar checked with Narasimhan, he was convinced that the dib was not aware that the letter had been leaked. Could it then have been leaked by the defence ministry to warn the accused at large? Upset with the leak and its implications, theCBI director decided not to take cognisance of the government letter for the next 45 days.

Meanwhile, say sources, Parashar identified the hotel where Shankaran might have been holed up in. But this information proved to be incorrect. Scotland Yard told theCBI that it did not find Shankaran at any of the locations identified by the Indian investigators. There was also no "exit record" for Shankaran, suggesting that he could still be in the United Kingdom. However, there are some who suspect that he may have left the UK on a false passport.

Shankaran has been abroad since November last year. He was suspected to be in Dubai in December 2005. In January, he was spotted in Port Louis, Mauritius. Authorities say he was putting up at the Hotel La Bourdinnais and later could have travelled to the uae before returning to Port Louis. This was about the time the war room leak case was handed over to theCBI. By March, Shankaran was in London where Parashar joined him. This was the last intelligence on him before he "disappeared".

As Shankaran flew across continents, he kept switching phones. First, he used a Dubai cellphone (00971502953418), then a London cell (00447718537522), and finally a cellphone in Mauritius (002309339196). He continued to use the same cellphone with theIMEI (identification) code 0078819029928121462 but would change his SIM cards as and when he travelled.

Parashar too was using a London cell (00442076373400) while he was abroad. Shankaran may be out of their net, but the cbi meanwhile is probing Parashar’s jetsetting lifestyle. It is looking at whether he owns the plush second floor house at H-31 Green Park Extension in Delhi where his wife Reema stays. A website of the Atlas Group of Companies lists K.B. Parashar as one of the "Vice Presidents Atlas India" and also part of the "Atlas Telecom Group (India) management". The reference came up in a press release posted on the web and issued by the group announcing the "launch" of its India operations by Atlas Defense Systems. It also refers to "Abhishek Verma, Chairman Atlas Telecom". Parashar has two other firms besides—Expat Systems Pvt Ltd and United Pvt Ltd.

Where does the case go from here? Nowhere certain, it seems. The CBI has very few leads and has to file a chargesheet by July 9. But the navy refuses to share any "inputs" civilian and military intelligence agencies gathered in the case. An information blockade, perhaps the navy hopes, will not only help cramp theCBI but also bury the truth.