Text of the talk- The United States and India: A Transformed Relationship' - tothe Confederation of Indian Industry, Hyderabad, January 7, 2003
I am pleased to be here today in Hyderabad, a city world-renowned for its contributions to information technology. I am particularly happy to be speaking to the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII), an organization that has done so much to advance the interests of India around the world and so much to promote relations between India and the United States. Tarun Das and all those associated with CII deserve our collective thanks.
I have come a long way to be with you today, so it only seems appropriate that I spend some time discussing a few of the major issues that concern us all. I would like to give you a sense of how we in America view the world; I would also like to give you a sense of how the Bush Administration views the U.S.-Indian relationship and India's role in the region and beyond. And as you might expect, I will have a few things to say about economic matters given that so many of you earn your living doing business -- as opposed to those of us whose business it is to do diplomacy.
In all honesty I cannot report that any of the major challenges that have required so much time and resources of late can be placed in the "done" category. There is, however, no question that a great deal has been achieved.
Let me begin with terrorism. A broad and deep international coalition is waging war against terrorists and the states that support them. UN Security Council Resolution 1373 established clear norms, placing binding obligations on countries to combat terrorist financing, recruitment, transit, safe haven, and other forms of support to terrorists. Such collective efforts are paying off. Over 160 countries have joined in freezing assets; more than 2000 suspected terrorists have been arrested in some 90 countries.
Afghans and the international community can take great pride in the real progress made in Afghanistan. A year after its liberation, it is no longer a terrorist safe-haven. An Afghan transitional government, one committed to helping its people, is up and running. Some two million refugees have voted with their feet and returned home; economic reconstruction is under way, as is the building of a national police and army. None of this is to say that there is still not a great deal of work to be done before Afghanistan is a stable, prosperous country. But the achievements of the last year are nothing short of dramatic.
In the Middle East, President Bush has articulated the goal of establishing a viable, democratic Palestinian state living side by side with Israel in peace and security by mid-2005. Our focus today is on helping Israelis and Palestinians realize this vision. The United States, together with the EU, the UN, Russia, and several Arab governments, is working to prepare the Palestinians for the responsibilities of statehood and developing a specific roadmap to assist Israelis and Palestinians transition from where they are now to where they need to be.
In a very different realm of international relations, new WTO negotiations were launched in Doha in November 2001. This round has the potential to bolster the economies of the developing world as well as the developed one. The passage of Trade Promotion Authority by the U.S. Congress greatly strengthens the President's hand in rallying American support for more open trade.
Any stock-taking also must acknowledge the tremendous strides America has made in solidifying its relationships with other major powers and important regional actors. The United States has modernized its ties with Europe and Japan, two longstanding allies. Increasingly, these relationships will focus on promoting conditions of stability in other parts of the world, not just in areas close to home. We have also fundamentally altered our relationship with some former adversaries, Russia being the most obvious and consequential case in point. There are few better manifestations of our new relationship with Russia than the historic Treaty of Moscow, which dramatically reduces the nuclear inventories of both countries. Significant change also characterizes U.S. relations with China, a country that has become a partner in the war on terrorism and to whom we now turn for assistance in dealing with the threats posed by both Iraq and North Korea.
Efforts to fundamentally alter so many of our relationships are in large part rooted in necessity and reflect the changing world around us. Increasingly, we live in a world shaped by the forces of globalization. Globalization has changed our lives in so many ways for the better. It has dramatically diminished the distances between people and has made traditional boundaries less relevant as goods, people, services, and ideas flow more rapidly around the world. In so doing, globalization has bolstered trade and investment, which are sources of better jobs, greater choice for consumers, and lower prices.
But as we saw in the tragic events of September 11, globalization also has a dark side: terrorism, the spread of weapons of mass destruction, crime, trafficking in men, women and children, the flow of drugs, the ravages of HIV/AIDS and other infectious diseases.
The contours of our rapidly globalizing world have implications for all people and countries, not least of all the United States. It is a simple reality that U.S. power is unrivaled and will remain so for the foreseeable future. Yet, this power does not give the United States control over global affairs. The threats and challenges facing us and our allies are varied and numerous. To deal with them in the best possible manner, we will require the help of capable, like-minded countries. Our need for partners is particularly urgent in addressing transnational issues, the very issues that are most emblematic of this era.
U.S.-India Relations
The U.S.-India relationship should be, and can be, a cornerstone of this global network of partnerships. The transformation of our bilateral relationship over the past few years is a dramatic success story. It is a story that this administration takes seriously. And it is a story in which this administration has invested a great deal.
President Bush took office determined to move the U.S.-India relationship beyond the new patterns of cooperation that were initiated at the end of the Clinton Administration. When he welcomed Prime Minister Vajpayee to the White House in November 2001, President Bush said, "My administration is committed to developing a fundamentally different relationship with India, one based upon trust, one based upon mutual values. " The President saw that our relations were still weighted down by Cold War baggage, still defined largely by disagreements, still limited by infrequent interaction. Neither side gave the relationship the high priority it deserved; efforts to improve it lacked the urgency that was needed to bring U.S.-India relations to new heights. President Bush saw India as a country that was poised to become one of the leading nations of the 21st century. A nation of over one billion people, the largest democracy on earth, multi-ethnic, multi-religious, a critical presence in Asia. In short, he saw a nation of enormous achievement and even greater promise.
The horrible events of September 11th further galvanized the efforts that were already underway to transform the U.S.-India relationship. India's reaction to September 11 was prompt and wholehearted. India was one of the first countries to offer assistance to the United States. Its people and government expressed genuine sympathy for our loss, even as they mourned the loss of their own in the towers of the World Trade Center. September 11 did not alter the trajectory of U.S.-Indian relations. But it quickened the pace of change by underscoring the commonalities between our democracies and cementing our mutual commitment to work more closely together.
Today, we can point to a U.S.-India relationship that is greatly changed. We have come a long way, to a point where cooperation - not carping - is the dominant characteristic of our relationship. This transformation is not limited to the interaction between President Bush and Prime Minister Vajpayee; nor is it marked simply by better relations between senior members of our two governments. What we have witnessed is nothing short of a basic restructuring of how our two great nations interact.
Prime Minister Vajpayee has spoken of India and the United States as "natural allies." He is right. The United States and India have begun to realize the benefits of a partnership rooted in freedom, prosperity and security. Today, we can point to progress on a range of issues:
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- We see India and America collaborating on security and stability in Asia and beyond. India was an early supporter of President Bush's strategic framework and his call for an enhanced role for missile defense. India has been a stalwart member of the coalition waging the global war against terrorism. We have consulted with one another on terrorist financing and shared intelligence on terrorist groups. We institutionalized this cooperation with the opening of a FBI office in New Delhi. India's support for U.S. counterterrorism efforts involved the provision of naval escorts to ships moving through the Straits of Malacca. This act was significant, in part because it was the first time that the American and Indian navies undertook a joint mission outside of India's territorial waters. But it also serves as an example of Indian efforts to counter the effects of terrorism on our global trading system.
- The United States and India, in the words of Secretary of State Powell this past July, "have opened [a] new strategic dialogue to transform our relationship." These discussions, buttressed by multiple trips made by high level visitors in each direction, have addressed issues ranging from how best to help Nepal meet the challenges posed by its Maoist insurgency to preventing onward proliferation of chemical, biological, and nuclear materials and technologies.
- India and America have also stood side by side in Afghanistan. India and the United States worked together with other governments to ensure that the Bonn Conference was a success, laying the groundwork for a broad-based, democratic government. Since that time, India has supported the Karzai government, sharing with the United States the goal of a moderate, peaceful Afghanistan. This commitment is evident in India's actions, including its provision of various kinds of training, buses, commercial aircraft, and food to Afghans. India's Indira Gandhi Hospital has been a continuing source of healing in Kabul as well as a prominent symbol of the historic ties between Indians and Afghans. Ø Our two countries have engaged in extensive military-to-military cooperation, marked by multiple port visits, joint exercises, and high-level exchanges. Our Defense Policy Group has been revived and is more active than ever. And we take it as a mark of friendship and trust that India and the United States have recently concluded a joint agreement not to extradite one another's nationals if they are sought by international tribunals, such as the ICC, whose authority and role we both challenge.
- We also see India and America, the world's two largest democracies, working together to combat one of the greatest transnational threats of our times: HIV/AIDS. India has recognized the challenge that HIV and AIDS presents to its people and their pursuit of prosperous lives. The United States, which has grappled with its own HIV/AIDS problems, is assisting India in its efforts to combat this disease. The U.S. Agency for International Development, Harvard's Center for International Development, and our National Institutes of Health all have programs in India to stem the spread of HIV/AIDS through better communication, education, and provision of health services.
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Despite this impressive list of areas of joint cooperation, there is more we can work on together. Security cooperation tops the list. A key component of our growing security collaboration must be geared toward stopping the spread of weapons of mass destruction. The United States and India share a common interest in bringing about a world where materials and technologies for the production of chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons are difficult to acquire. India has shown its willingness to identify proliferators; we do, however, look for even more aggressive Indian action on this front, and are prepared to work together and share experiences to help India achieve our common goal of stopping onward proliferation.
The extent to which India and the United States can be partners on important problems in other regions will also determine whether our security cooperation realizes its potential. On North Korea, we are off to a good start. We welcome India's role in the adoption of the International Atomic Energy Agency's November 29th resolution that insists that North Korea end its nuclear weapons program and open its facilities to IAEA inspections. We appreciate that India is part of the international consensus demanding that North Korea do away with its new uranium enrichment facility and meet its international obligations under the IAEA. But the challenge posed by North Korea's nuclear policies is far from over, and India's efforts will remain important alongside those of Russia, China, South Korea, and Japan.
The United States also anticipates significant cooperation with India on Iraq. We are pleased that India has called for Iraq's full compliance with UN resolutions, including UN Security Council Resolution 1441. We will seek to expand our cooperation with India and other members of the international community as the situation in Iraq warrants. If force proves necessary, we would hope that the United States could turn to the Indian government for assistance in meeting not only immediate needs, but also in addressing the humanitarian, political and economic challenges that will follow.
We can also deepen our cooperation on important scientific, technical, and global issues. I am confident that the new U.S.-India Biotech Alliance launched between the CII and the U.S.-India Business Council during Undersecretary of State Alan Larson's November visit will be a fruitful forum for sharing information, facilitating trade, and promoting joint research. Both India and the United States can benefit from the smart use of biotechnology. We also look forward to revitalizing our energy dialogue through talks about reducing greenhouse gases, curbing pollution, enhancing energy security, and achieving a more efficient distribution of power. And the United States and India have begun a promising dialogue on combating trafficking in men, women, and children. The United States is heartened by India's recent work with the SAARC aimed at reducing the numbers of those who are brought to India through trafficking, and its recognition of the need to prosecute those engaged in this activity.
Yet, beyond making progress on particular issues in the political, military, and security realms, India and the United States should strive to regularize and deepen consultations across the board. I look forward to a time when India and the United States confer with one another on all matters of regional and global importance. Such coordination is not aimed at any third country, but instead is a natural reflection of the fact that India and the United States share an interest in bringing about a world in which terror is rare, proliferation is curbed, and energy supplies are secure. As two like-minded countries, we will both benefit from sharing our analyses of problems, our formulations of solutions, and, in many cases, the coordination of our actions.
Let me now turn to the economic realm. The United States and India can and should do much better. With all the positives in our relationship, the weakness of our economic links is glaring. Ten years ago, I would not have predicted that our military and political relations would be as vigorous as they are. I am happy to be proven wrong about that. Yet, at the same time, I would have never imagined that our economic relations would still be as limited as they are today. I am anything but happy to have been proven wrong about this.
As you in this room know better than most, U.S.-India economic links continue to be under-developed -- or, as Ambassador Blackwill has put it, as flat as a chapatti.
