The Church: Tackling Politics

Christmas is approaching, but that's not the only reason why the powerful Church in India'sNortheast is busy. Church leaders are involved in the extremely delicate task of brokering peace ininsurgency-hit States like Nagaland, Manipur and even Meghalaya, and are also taking on the challenge of'cleaning up' the electoral system and keeping 'bad elements' out of politics in the turbulent region.

With elections to the State Legislatures in Nagaland and Meghalaya due early next year,Church organisations in these two states have come out with a set of 'commandments' that includes askinginsurgents to keep away from the polls and calling upon the voters to elect such politicians who are 'guidedby values.'

An estimated 12 per cent of the 39 million people in the seven Northeastern Indian States are Christians, butthey dominate some of the States more completely. Christians account for nearly 90 per cent of Nagaland'spopulation; about 65 per cent in Meghalaya; and over 85 per cent in Mizoram.

It is not surprising, consequently, to find the Church actively involved in the social andpolitical life of these areas. On and off, there are calls from various quarters demanding that the Churchshould not interfere in politics. But, as one Church leader in Nagaland remarked, the Church is also oftenheld responsible for being unable to correct or prevent the wrongs in society. Trapped in a mesh ofcontradictory expectations, the Church in the Northeast appears to have decided on playing a proactive role inthe urgent crises of the region.

The role of the Church as a peace broker in Nagaland has been well documented in the past and Church leaderscontinue to take the message of peace from the Naga people to the leaders of the warring Naga insurgentfactions, urging the latter to end their bloody internecine feuds and solve contentious issues amicably. TheChurch has also been a bridge between the Naga rebel groups and the Indian government, helping both sidesapproach an acceptable solution to the 55-year-old Naga insurrection.

If the Isak-Muivah faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (NSCN-IM) isengaged in peace negotiations with New Delhi today, this is largely due to the untiring efforts of the Churchin the State, as also of other non-governmental organisations (NGOs). The Church has also been inadvertentlydrawn into the politics of the State and of insurgency, in a situation where rebel groups like the NSCN claimto be fighting for a 'Nagaland for Christ.' Under the circumstances, the Church could in no way have remaineda passive observer.

The Government of India removed a 12-year-long ban on the NSCN-IM on November 26, 2002, conferring legitimacyon the organization. Speculation is, as a result, rife that the rebel group would interfere directly orindirectly in the approaching State Assembly elections in Nagaland.

The State's Congress party Chief Minister S.C. Jamir, the NSCN-IM's bete noire, has alreadyurged Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee to extract an assurance from the rebel group that it would notthreaten or intimidate voters or candidates during the polls. Jamir is whipping up fears, claiming that theNSCN-IM is likely to back non-Congress candidates or field 'proxy candidates' during the elections in theState.

Jamir's fears may not be without reason. Ironically, separatist rebel groups in the Northeast fighting forsovereign homelands are avowed opponents of the Indian Constitution and insist that they do not believe in the'Indian electoral system.' More often than not, however, they are found to play an active role during almostevery election, either calling on the voters to boycott the elections, or backing candidates of their choice,and in the process threatening their rivals.

This has been the case in States like Assam, Nagaland, Manipur, and now, Arunachal Pradeshand Meghalaya. The separatists give a great deal of importance to the elections under the 'Indian system' thatthey love to hate.

The 'code of conduct' for elections, issued by the Church in Nagaland and Meghalaya, needs to be assessedagainst this backdrop. On November 28, the Nagaland Christian Forum (NCF) convened an all-party meeting in theState capital, Kohima, where it finalized its 'poll guidelines' for the people, the most important of whichwas a call to the 'Naga national workers', the term ordinarily used by the Nagas to refer to the insurgents,to stay away from the poll process in Nagaland. NCF president Zhabu Therhuja has been quoted as saying,

"The Naga national workers (insurgents) are striving for a nobler and higher statusfor the Nagas. It would be an unpardonable compromise on their part to be involved in the elections." TheForum's 'guidelines' are meant to create an atmosphere for a free and fair election. The NCF made it clearthat it was not trying to impose its diktat on the people, but sought to urge them to "allow each voterto vote freely without inhibition, intimidation and obligation."

In Meghalaya, it is the Roman Catholic Church that has taken up the task of enforcingdiscipline during the forthcoming elections to the State Assembly. On December 8, the Archbishop of Shillong,Dominic Jala, unveiled the Church's 'ten-commandments' for the elections, which exhort voters to vote forcandidates who are, among other attributes, guided by societal values; protect rights as enshrined in theConstitution; are pro-poor and impartial; stand for peace and harmony; fight corruption at all levels; and are'God-fearing'.

The codes of conduct issued by the Church have generally been welcomed in the region, though there are somewho wonder why the Church has decided to enter the sensitive arena of electoral politics. The answer, however,is not difficult to find. The rapid deterioration in human values in the Northeast, the instability andineffectiveness of the region's legislative politics (legislators defect parties at the drop of a hat inStates like Manipur and Meghalaya, bringing down governments), rampant corruption and the culture of the gunare some of the issues that trouble all of civil society, and that naturally agitates the Church.

Clearly, religious leaders in the region have realized that the Church cannot contributesufficiently to the restoration of a fast-degenerating society through simple sermonizing about spiritualduties or life after death. There was, consequently, a certain inevitability about the Church's new role as awatchdog of political values in a society where the secular leadership appears to be failing with distressingregularity.

(The author is Associate Fellow, Institute for Conflict Management, New Delhi;Consulting Editor, The Sentinel, Guwahati. Courtesy: South Asia Intelligence Review of the SouthAsia Terrorism Portal)