Role of Non-BJP Parties
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Crime Against Humanity 
Volume 2 An inquiry into the carnage in Gujarat -- Findings And Recommendations  by Concerned Citizens Tribunal -Gujarat 2002

Role of Non-BJP Parties

1.1. The BJP’s allies in the National Democratic Alliance government at the Centrewere shaken by the violence in Gujarat but failed to go beyond shedding the usualcrocodile tears. The Tribunal notes with anguish that the allies in the NDA who claimto continue to be wedded to democracy and secularism, did nothing more than issuestatements after the Gujarat carnage. Much more was expected from them and historywill hold them guilty for failing to rise to the occasion, putting narrow political con-siderations aside and using all the strength at their command to ensure that the centralgovernment acted and acted swiftly to control the Gujarat carnage. This they did notdo, and hence, a government indicted before the country and the world continues tobe in power in Gujarat today.

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1.2. The Tribunal has no great expectations that the NDA allies will do anything infuture to assure the physical, emotional and economic rehabilitation of Muslims inGujarat. However, it observes that the NDA allies must push for a proper rehabilita-tion of, and justice for, the victim-survivors if their claim to be wedded to the IndianConstitution is to have any meaning.

2.1. The role of the opposition Congress party in the state of Gujarat, though vociferous in demanding the dismissal of the Modi government, was obviously lacking inany political or moral resolve while the violence was actually taking place. FormerMP Shri Ahsan Jafri, who belonged to this party, was killed along with others after,after his house had been besieged for 8 long hours and during which period he madeinnumerable calls for help. The Tribunal finds it shocking that not a single seniormember of his party went physically to his aid, or tried, independently, to contact thepolice commissioner to ensure his safety. Barring a few exceptions, Congressmen wereabsent while the violence was at its height. Independent MP, Shri Madhu SudhanMistry from Sabarkantha and Shri Praveen Rashtrapal from Patan are exceptions. Themayor of Ahmedabad Shri Himmatsingh Patel was visible on television, and on thestreets and in the hospitals at the time, working for peace and helping victims. OnMarch 5, a peace march of prominent Gujaratis was organised by the Gujarat LokSamiti. Independent individuals sent out this much-needed message for peace, againsthatred. Political parties became active much later.

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2.2. However, the conduct of the Congress-controlled Ahmedabad Municipal Cor-poration — in aiding and abetting the demolition of the tomb of Wali Gujarati oppo-site the police commissioner’s office in Ahmedabad, or the demolition of the 100-year-old Madni mosque in Vasna, Ahmedabad, months later, is shocking to say theleast. The corporation body faced a crisis following the resignation of 19 party corpo-rators from various committees, in protest against the demolition of the Madni mosque,on July 3. The Congress mayor, Shri Himmatsingh Patel, claimed that the demolitionwas carried out under instructions from Gandhinagar and the municipal commissionerand had kept the elected representatives in the dark.

2.3. The mosque had been in the eye of a storm for causing obstruction to traffic.However, no temples were similarly targeted though hundreds dot Gujarat roads evenin the heart of the city. Hooligans damaged the mosque, along with nine shops adjoin-ing its boundary wall, during the recent violence. Repair work had just been taken upby a private Muslim trust when municipal bulldozers demolished it.

2.4. Objectionable bill-boards, proclaiming Gujarat to be a ‘Hindu Rashtra’ (Hindustate) have come up in Ahmedabad city over past months, after the carnage. “Karnavaticity of this Hindu Rashtra welcomes you,” proclaims a bill-bill-board painted in saf-fron in the heart of Ahmedabad. (The Times of India, August 18, 2002). InChhotaudaipur, 200 km south of Ahmedabad, the bill-bill-board on the highway ismore direct. It simply says: “Welcome to Hindu Rashtra’s Chhotaudaipur town.” Theseare a legacy of five years of BJP rule. Though symbolic, they send out clear a messagethat is entirely in tune with the ideology of the sangh parivar and the conduct of theBJP in Gujarat. A freshly painted bill-board on a crossroad outside Shahpur Gate inAhmedabad proclaims the roundabout to be ‘Kashi Vishwanath Chowk’.

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2.5 The bill-boards have been put up by the VHP, Bajrang Dal and Durga Vahini.Most of them proclaim Dharamraksha (Protection of Faith), Rashtraraksha (Protec-tion of Country) and Gauraksha (Protection of Cows) as the main objectives of theseorganisations. But while welcoming people to ‘Karnavati city of Hindu Rashtra’, a bill-board at Kalupur, Ahmedabad, goes a step further: ‘Garv Se Kaho Hum Hindu Hain’(‘Say with pride you are a Hindu’).

2.6. It is tragic that even the Congress, which was returned to power in theAhmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC) two years ago, is dragging its feet on pull-ing these bill-bill-boards down, despite a directive to this effect issued by new stateCongress president Shankersinh Vaghela recently.

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2.7. The Gujarat carnage has shown to India and the world how some political partiesthat use the electoral process to come to power work towards the steady erosion ofsecular and democratic values and defiance of the Constitution through the manipula-tion and misuse of the very state institutions that were created to protect them.

2.8. The Constitution of India is founded on a notion of representative nation-hood. It is this critical principle that gives every citizen equal rights and an equal stakein the nation. But this constitutional provision is seriously compromised when reli-gious or some other sectarian identity redefines the share and stake of different citi-zens in public life. For genuine secularism to be re-injected into Indian political andpublic life, it is imperative that political parties that profess commitment to secular-ism are undaunted in their critique of discrimination and hate politics. Ultimately,their actions must speak as much as words. What India badly needs today are men andwomen of stature, committed to countering violence whenever and wherever it oc-curs. And for this are prepared to risk their life and limb.

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3.1. The relatively more sensitive governance being provided by the state govern-ments and administrations of neighbouring Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh deservesappreciation.

3.2. Attempts were made by the Bajrang Dal and the VHP, supported by the RSSand the BJP, to inflame sentiments in the neighbouring districts of both Rajasthan andMadhya Pradesh. The fact that there was no spill over violence in these areas is testi-mony to the fact that communal tension and violence spread only when the statewishes them to, and when it connives with such communal elements. In the borderareas of Rajasthan, commissioners of police in the cities and SPs of districts werepersonally in charge for a fortnight while the situation simmered.

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3.3. While returning from Mecca, Haj pilgrims who hail from Gujarat diverted theirjourney and sought refuge in Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan. The governments there, insharp contrast of the state of affairs in Gujarat, housed and fed them. They returnedonly when they felt comfortable about their security. Similarly, in Rajasthan, the localadministration in the districts bordering Panchmahal, Sabarkantha and Banaskanthaactually ran refugee camps for victims who had fled from Gujarat in terror.

3.4. On August 17, 2000, having amended the Indian Arms Act, the MP govern-ment ordered a crackdown on VHP-Bajrang Dal cadres in that state trying to fomenttrouble through mass distribution of trishuls. The Indian Arms Act, 1959, prohibitspossession and carrying of sharp-edged weapons longer than six inches. Taking ad-vantage of this provision, the VHP had decided to distribute Tridents measuring five-and-three-quarters of an inch. Thousands of trishuls would have been distributed allover the state. However, the government amended the Arms act, curtailing the per-missible limit to four inches.

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4.1. Gandhian institutions have been a pivotal force in the state of Gujarat. In thepast they have had a significant influence on political forces like the Congress(O).However, since 1977, their distance from active politics has played a significant rolein their declining influence. The absence of any organisational work among the young, too, has contributed to this. These factors culminating in an active distancing fromactive politics have added to their declining influence. Gandhian organisations, whichnumber over 2,000 in the state of Gujarat and are beneficiaries of state funds, havetherefore lost the stature they had in past decades. Individually, senior Gandhianshave condemned violence and communalism. But their silence in some significantcases, and open allegiance to stances taken by Hindutvavadi organisations on occa-sions have further contributed to the communalisation of civil society in Gujarat.

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5.1. Among other things, the BJP and the sangh parivar have frequently reiteratedthat ‘Hindu anger’ was fuelled largely by the reluctance of opposition parties, seculargroups and Muslim organisations to condemn the merciless killing of ‘kar sevaks’ inthe Sabarmati Express. This, however, is far from the truth.

5.2. Leaders of various opposition parties have repeatedly challenged this conten-tion, pointing out that on February 27 itself they had condemned the Godhra killing inunambiguous terms. We have examined this and found the BJP and the sangh parivar’scharge as unfounded. If their statements did not get the prominence they deserved is ofcourse another issue altogether that needs to be addressed, in the first place, by the massmedia.

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5.3. Heads of Muslim organisations throughout India condemned the killing of 58passengers of the Sabarmati Express. In a statement released on February 28, theycalled upon the people of Gujarat to exercise restraint. The signatories included ShriSyed Shahabuddin, president, All India Majlis-e-Mushawarat, Qazi Mujahid-ul-IslamQasmi’s Milli Council, Shri Asad Madani, president Jamiat-ul-Ulema-e-Hind, ShriSaiyid Hamid, president, Movement for Empowerment of Muslim Indians, ShriJalaludin Umri, acting amir, Jamaat-e-Islami Hind, Shri Mohd. Yaha, president, MarkaziJamiat Ahl-e-Hadith, Shri HR Nomani, president, All India Momin Conference, ShriSyed Nizamuddin, general secretary, All India Muslim Personal Law Bill-board, ShriAmanullah Khan, general secretary, Rahat Committee, Shri M. Afzal, president, AllIndia Urdu Editors’ Conference and Shri Navaid Hamid, secretary, Minority Council.

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5.4. Statements promptly condemning Godhra were also made by independent citi-zens like Shri Javed Akhtar, Shri Alyque Padamsee and other concerned citizens fromMumbai and elsewhere.

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