Rest of Ahmedabad

Crime Against Humanity 
Volume I An inquiry into the carnage in Gujarat 
List of Incidents and Evidence 
By Concerned Citizens Tribunal -Gujarat 2002

Incidents of Post-Godhra Violence: Ahmedabad

Rest of Ahmedabad

Vatwa 
Paldi 
Gommtipur/Sundaramnagar

On February 28, 2002 various areas of Ahmedabad city and it’s environs were sys-tematically targeted by mobs. While the treacherous attack on Gulberg society began inthe early morning itself, by about 9 a.m., simultaneous attacks had been launched atNaroda Fruit market, Vatwa, Gomtipur and Sundaramnagar among others.

Of the 200 wholesale fruit businesses with galas in Naroda Fruit Market, all 17owned by the Memon community were selectively and completely gutted after moneyfrom the safes was stolen and all business records destroyed. Agricultural producecommittee chairman, Laxman D. told witnesses that despite repeated calls, the policehad not responded. These 17 wholesale businesses were destroyed in broad daylighton February 28, even as the attack on the lives and dignity of the residents of NarodaPatiya was in full swing. Witness Ramanlal, Naroda Fruit Market, Swami NarayanRoad, Naroda, testified to the targeted attack on his business, which was, in fact, athree-generations-old story of Hindu-Muslim partnership. Ibrahim Ramanlal is a fruitcommission agent located on the Swami Narayan Chawl Road. This traditional intra-community partnership was not spared by mobs, people who had obviously donetheir research well. Losses incurred by Ibrahim Ramanlal amount to Rs. 2.5 lakh.

Behind the fruit market, the Babanshah Mosque at Swami Narayan Chawl was also re-duced to rubble. Pages of the Koran were torn and strewn all over the floor; the vandals hadeven had time to defecate on it. A framed photograph of a Hindu idol was placed at the veryspot where the imam stands to lead namaaz. Telltale signs of a puja having been performedhere, and the slogan “Jai Shri Ram” scrawled in red on the walls, were clear evidence of whatexactly the hate-mongers had in mind when they held a whole population to ransom.

The New Gujarat (National) Kabadi Market Corporation, near Bhulabhai Park,Behrampura, was attacked, vandalised for three full days from February 28-March 2.The two watchmen on duty were maimed and butchered before being torched. TheKagdapeth police station located nearby just allowed this to happen. The Mohamadiya Ahle-Hadis Masjid and 225 shops in the Kabadi Market (160 inside and 65 outside)were completely destroyed on February 28 itself. The attack lasted for three wholedays, to make sure that the destruction was total.

Two watchmen, Ahmed Mohammed Arab and Yusuf Abdul Gafur Sheikh, werefound dead — cut up and charred — just outside the shop of one Harun Yusuf. Twoother watchmen who survived and are eyewitnesses are Gani Bhai Jamal Bhai andAbdul Shakur Abdul Jabbar. They have named Ashok Bhai Sindhi as one of the mainaccused in leading the attack. The policemen at the Kagdapeth police station, underwhich the Kabadi Market falls, were blind to the systematic damage for three days.

Dozens of calls were made to the police to ask for their assistance. The total loss tomaterials is about Rs. 4 crore while the loss to buildings, amounts to Rs 1.5 crore. Asthe violence began in Ahmedabad on February 28, the troublemakers broke down thegates of Kabadi Market, looted and burnt down all the shops, and destroyed theKabadi Market completely.

A witness from Jamalpur told the Tribunal how the 100-year-old dargah oppositethe Jagannath Mandir had been broken down and for days, Ram Dhun was heard play-ing there every night. On the night of February 27-28, the elephants that are keptinside the temple premises were made to drink liquor. The sounds and trumpetingthat followed caused terror in the entire locality. During the last election, formerminister Haren Pandya, who won from the Paldi area, had openly proclaimed duringhis campaign, “Baandyo nahin bachwo joyiye” (“Not a single baandyo, abusive term for aMuslim/circumcised person must be spared.”) Near the Kanch ki Masjid, there is theshop of one Syed Paanwala, Bashir Bhai. He feeds masala paan to the police becausehe has no choice. On February 28, his paan ka gala was destroyed. PSI Yadav whostood near the destroyed gala the whole day, asked Bashir Bhai to come to the Havelipolice station to register his case. But once at the police station, he was thrashed byPSI Yadav and PSI Chavda. Both used to eat free paan from him.

Three eyewitnesses, who deposed before the Tribunal, saw former revenue minis-ter Haren Pandya opposite the VS Hospital, setting fire to the Apna Bazaar Medical.“Aa Miyaone aag lagadiye” (“Let us burn these Muslims”), he was shouting, after he hadburnt it down himself. The Ellis Bridge police station is close by but they did nothing.The fire brigade was called and they tried desperately to put out the fire. But Pandya,leading the mob, prevented them. An FIR has been launched against him and BJPMLA Ashok Bhatt. Just outside the Ellis Bridge police station, Haren Pandya wasoverheard telling the PI, even as Hotel Ellis was aflame, “Aah samaj kayi nathi kartoo”(“This community does nothing”.) The PI concerned had a special room permanentlybooked for him at Hotel Ellis.

Vatwa 

Vatwa, an area located on the southern outskirts of Ahmedabad, saw repeated andprolonged bouts of violence, first on February 28, then on March 20 and again onApril 5, the day after the PM’s visit. These attacks were led by large mobs comprisingseveral residents of nearby housing colonies like Murlidhar society, Mani society,Asapalav society, Picnic Park and Manav Nagar. The attacks were allegedly led by aresident of Vatwa, who is also a Bajrang Dal leader – Haresh Patel. Patel was ablysupported by the police. The total population of Vatwa is 1,21,716. Out of these,65,928 are male and 55,788 female. Thirty per cent of the total population of Vatwais Muslim. During the violence in Vatwa, 5 persons died in the Roshni Park area, 4persons died in Syedwadi, and 4 persons died in the Nawapura area. In all, 60 peoplewere severely injured. Out of them, 8 were injured in police firing while the rest, 52 inall, were injured in private firing, burning, stone throwing or bomb blasts.

At Nawapura-Kabrastan, a basti of 300 houses was completely gutted by mobs thatattacked all day and through the night on February 28. The attacks were launched bythe residents of Asapalav, Picnic Park, and Manav Nagar housing colonies. Therewere many persons from the Waghari community involved in the attacks.In the following localities, all the Muslim homes were burnt down: Bachubhai Kua(70-80 houses); Bismillah Nagar (60 houses); Darbar Khetar (70-80 houses); Syedwadi(150 houses); Azim Park (100 houses); Muchadipir (9 houses); Roshni Raos (105houses); Burhani Society (72 houses); Vanderval Talav (110 houses); Jahedshah PirniDargah (15 houses); (8) Janiya Pirno Tekro(10 houses).

Witnesses like Anwar Jaffri, Munawwarbhai Pathan and Rizwana Shaikh, an advo-cate, told the Tribunal that Bachubhai Kua, Bismillah Nagar and Nawapura wereburnt on February 28 while Roshni Raos and others were burnt down the next day.

The crowds that attacked here were huge—witnesses described how they saw heads,heads and more heads (‘mundi, mundi, mundi’). Mahesh Patel of the Bajrang Dal, GirishPandya and Amita Patel (municipal councillors belonging to the BJP) were leading thecrowd. They were even arrested on March 3, but by that evening they had been releasedon bail. PI Singh and PI Damod were openly helping them. Every nook and cranny inMurlidhar society and Manav Nagar is filled with VHP and Bajrang Dal supporters. Thecrowd was carrying swords, pawda, chara (agricultural implements); some even had guns.

They were wearing saffron headbands and shouting “Send Muslims to Pakistan.” Apartfrom torching all the homes, 7-8 persons were killed in firing and another 7-8 personsare missing. The residents of Nawapura were mainly involved in the bhangar (recycling)business. On February 28, when Syedwadi and Nawapura were being gutted by mobsfrom the ‘border’ areas, the SP KC Patel, was himself standing there. He was alsospotted at Waghnivas Kabrastan, standing and enjoying the destruction. The entire po-lice department watched as large parts of Vatwa were destroyed.

One Vilayat Hussain whose farmhouse was burnt down, suffered a loss of Rs. 3-4lakh because even the wheat crop was burnt and the bore-well destroyed. A complaint was filed on March 1. Theassailants identified by eyewitnesses are MaheshPatel (Bajrang Dal), Girish Pandya and Amita Patel (BJP corporators). The policemenindicted for dereliction of duty are superintendent of police, PI Singh, PI Damod.Women victim-survivors from Vatwa spoke of the particularly objectionablebehaviour of the PI Damod from Vatwa police station. He openly threatened peoplesaying that if anyone complained, “We will take away Muslim children and women.”

Many of the residents of Nawapura are in the bhangar ka dhanda, (scrap business) andall the residents of these bastis are daily wage earners. For weeks after the first assault,the victim-survivors continued to be terrorised as, every night, a cassette was playedon the loud speakers with voices shouting, “Kato! Maro!” (“Chop! Kill!”). They wantedvictims to come out of their homes in panic so that they could attack them again.

When women went to the other side of the ‘border’ to buy vegetables, vendors werethreatened: “Do not sell vegetables to Muslim women, nor milk for Muslim children.”Witness Abeida cried uncontrollably as she narrated her story. Hers was the first houseat Nawapura and it suffered the worst destruction. “I recall the men who entered myhouse. One wore jeans and had specs on. They kept on shouting some Bajrang Dalslogans; they destroyed everything.” All the belongings painstakingly saved by thewitness for years, including her own wedding jewels, were looted. Dowries collectedfor her three daughters were all gone. With particular poignancy she said that whatshe had collected over 30 years was destroyed in as many hours.

Ahmedabad city was the scene of brutal violence, typified by the Gulberg societycarnage and the Naroda massacre. But stray and sinister instances took place every-where else as well. At the CTM Char Rasta, Salim Khan, a Muslim driver, was burntalive after a message was passed on the police wireless that a Muslim driver was comingthat way. On the night of February 28, when people were attacked in Vatwa, all theycould see was heads and more heads. Swords were being waved in the air, shots werefired by privately owned guns. “Tab hame malum pada ki hamara Allah ke seva koi nahin”(“Then we realised that none but Allah is on our side”), one witness said. The crowdhad only one intention: “Musalmanon ko khatam karo!” (“Finish off the Muslims!”) Andthroughout, innocent people were killed. Out of sheer fright, the residents of RoshniPark, Raunak Park, Tufel Park, Siraj Park, Nawapura, Vandervad Talao, JasodanagarPate, Burhani society and Bismillah Nagar moved into the relief camps.

The behaviour of PI Damod was nothing short of criminal. When some persons spoketo him near Taslim society about the scale of violence, these were his words: “Jo hua kamhua; itna maar khaya kam hai ki aur mar khana hai?” (“What happened is not enough. Areyou satisfied with the beating that you have received, or do you want more?”)In Vatwa, otherwise a locality of poor Muslims, there is also the 65-bungalow Burhanisociety, consisting of sturdy bungalows that were destroyed by huge mobs on Febru-ary 28. They used acid and explosive chemicals while setting fire to homes. A timerdevice, black in colour, was attached to the mains and some solvent poured into it,enabling a quick short-circuit, in seconds. Samples of the chemicals that they used toensure that the fire raged on for hours, were produced before the Tribunal. Chemicals were also recovered fromfour other locations within Ahmedabad. As elsewhere, inVatwa, too, gas cylinders had been used to explode homes, a school and a mosque.Rasool Khan, the principal of the government-recognised Asmi High School, where500 students used to study, deposed before the Tribunal. This school admitted stu-dents from KG to the 10 th standard. His wife is the principal of another school, theFriends High School, which had almost 1,000 students. Asmi High School was com-pletely burnt down and so was their bungalow, situated just behind the school. Theworst part of this offence was the fact that the witness said that, leading the attack-ers, he saw a fellow educationist, Navneet Patel, the principal of two municipal schoolssituated in the Hindu-dominated side of the area who is also the owner of Patel PanHouse, apart from being principal of Tajgi School. Along with Keshubhai Sabziwalaand Babulal Patel, Navneet Patel led the three-sided attack on this school and the wholeof Burhani society. Nothing can be more painful for a teacher and a principal than to seehis school being burnt, all the records torn and destroyed and even the children’s workand charts defecated upon. But, when the attack is led by an educationist, a humanbeing who is supposed to impart values and a sense of purpose to the young, despairfills the heart. There appears a clear target in the overall destruction — lives maimedand brutally snuffed out, the community crippled economically, religious and culturalsymbols debased, and all signs of modernity and growth erased.

After the first attacks, the second bout was on March 20, when, at about 5.00 p.m., acrowd came from the Asapalav society and Nilgiri society, both of which are occupiedby Hindus, and set fire to the godown in Nawapura. Since the fire and smoke werevisible from Syedwadi, a group of people gathered outside Syedwadi, to see what washappening. In the meantime, senior police officers such as SP KC Patel and ACP BSJebaliya as well as local PIs arrived and soon after that, the policemen in about 3 policevehicles jumped out of their vehicles and started firing at the crowd in Syedwadi. As aresult, 2 persons died on the spot and several were injured in the police firing.

On April 5, the day after Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee’s visit to Gujarat, atabout 10.00 p.m., the residents of Karmabhumi society, occupied by Hindus, sud-denly started throwing bombs on the mosque situated close to Makdumnagar society.There is only a wall between the Karmabhumi and Makdumnagar societies. Immedi-ately after the attack, 6-7 van loads of policemen, believed to be a combing squadfrom Gaekwad Haveli, came around with lathis and guns and raided the mosque wheremainly small children and women had gathered. When a policeman walked into theholy place with his shoes on, a young boy requested him to remove his shoes beforeentering the mosque. The policemen took offence at this request and started beatingthe boy and everyone else who was there, including the women inside and outside themosque. Many women who were in their houses came out to see the cause and natureof the commotion. In the darkness, they could not see the policemen, and before theyrealised what was happening, they were being severally beaten up by the police whoused lathis, kicks and rifle butts. Several women were injured and many youngstersincluding minors were arrested.

The accused here are Navneet Patel (school principal), Keshubhai Sabziwala, BabulalPatel, Mahesh Patel (Bajrang Dal), Girish Pandya (BJP corporator), Amita Patel (BJPcorporator). The policemen indicted are SP KC Patel, PI CJ Singh, PI DD Damod(Vatwa police station), PSI Yadav, PSI Chavda, PI Jadeja (Ellis Bridge) and BM Chauhanand BS Ninama (GIDC police station, Vatwa.)

The main incidents in Vatwa took place on February 28-March 1, March 20 andApril 5. The houses and shops in this area were either totally destroyed or substan-tially damaged and therefore people were unable to return to them.Apart from the shops and houses, even the places of worship belonging to theminority community were not spared. Four mosques and 9 dargahs in the Vatwa areawere damaged. In the GIDC area of Vatwa, about 15 houses were destroyed while 15shops in the surrounding areas of Vatwa were destroyed.

Paldi

Eleven witnesses from Paldi deposed before the Tribunal. The attack on this areatook place on February 28, 2002. Paldi is a posh locality in Ahmedabad, where, overthe past two decades, affluent Muslims have moved in. There are many Jains living inthe locality. In the past, there have been attempts, even violent ones, to terroriseMuslims into not entering Paldi. (See section on Build-Up in Gujarat, Volume II).There were attacks on 6 housing societies in Paldi, where about 1,000 Muslimslive. In all, there are about 5-6,000 Hindus living in this area. Kazmi Apartments,Elite, Delite, Corner 2, Tarana Apartments and Bungalows No. 16 and 24 in Paldi,occupied by the owners of Motimahal, were completely burnt. Eyewitnesses testifiedto seeing the then Gujarat revenue minister, Haren Pandya, leading mobs who thencommitted arson.

While there was no violence here in 1969, in 1990 there was a significant inci-dent, in which one member from a family living in Delite Apartments was burntalive. “Wahi log aaj bhi kam kar rahe hain” (“The same people are up to similar deedsnow”), an eyewitness told the Tribunal. Pandya was elected from this constituency(Ellis Bridge). During his campaign for the last elections, he openly said, “Paldi semusalman ka naam aur nishan mita denge” (“We’ll wipe out any trace of Muslim pres-ence from the Paldi area”). Among the witnesses from Paldi who deposed beforethe Tribunal, were Aftab and Ghizala Kadri (the latter works at the Oriental Insur-ance near Lal Darwaza, Ahmedabad) and Ayaz and Wasim Aslam (the latter is em-ployed by the Ahmedabad Municipal Transport Service). Both couples were resi-dents of Kazmi Apartments, Paldi, Flat No. 3 and 4 respectively but have shiftedlocation subsequently. Justice AN Divecha (retired judge of the Gujarat High Court)lived in Flat 1 and 2 of the same building and is a neighbour. Besides being victimsthemselves, they are eyewitnesses to what happened to Justice Divecha. These af-fected victim-survivors have since relocated, because, even six months down, thesituation in their former building has not improved.

On the night of February 28, some 25-30 petrol bombs were thrown inside theirflats from outside. When they looked out to see who the assailants were, witnessesrecognised VHP people from the area. Efforts to call 100 (Police Control) resulted intheir urging DCP Parghi to send protection. Parghi sent a PI and PSI to check on thedamage. The reason why the victim-survivors asked for protection was that, althoughthe bombs had damaged only the walls of their homes, the intention of the attackerswas clear.

However, PSI Birja, who came and inspected the damage, said it was not enough towarrant any police protection. The next morning, at about 11.30 a.m., a mob of 50-60persons hurled stones and broke the windowpanes of Flat no. 3. Witnesses/victim-survivors called Police Control again. In the mob, they could spot some known facesthat they had seen the day before. Even now, they were reluctant to leave their homes.In Kazmi Apartments, there are 12 flats, all belonging to Muslims. By the morningof February 28, only 10-12 residents remained in the building. The witnesses andothers had sent their families off elsewhere. One of the witnesses, advocate AftabKadri, spent the whole day, February 28, watching a 2,500-3,000 strong mob wreakhavoc in the area.

The mob first attacked Tarana Apartments. They were armed with baseball bats,hockey sticks and cricket bats. They used the combined force of 3,000 persons tobreak down a strong gate. They were riding in Sumo vans. They broke the locks of 12flats at Tarana Apartments, looted and burnt them. The second building to be at-tacked was Delite Apartments. They used Pepsi bottles to create the impact of homebombs. They used chemical solvents to ensure that once a fire started it did not stop.The third building to be attacked was Elite Apartments, most of whose occupantsare advocates. The fourth building to be attacked was Kazmi Apartments, the build-ing where the witnesses lived. Justice AN Divecha left here in the dead of night, at 12p.m. on February 28. This retired judge, too, has still not returned home. He has beenprovided accommodation in the Judges’ Bungalows area. Former CJ Rajasthan, Jus-tice AP Ravani, who deposed before the Tribunal, (See section on Witnesses, Volume I)said that from about 3 p.m. on February 28, he started receiving phone calls about theviolence that had erupted in the city. Some advocates phoned him to say that in frontof the High Court, trucks were burnt and judges had left the premises. He said that hewas shocked to hear this, particularly because he knew of the presence of a policecompany within the High Court premises, which should have ensured prevention ofviolence. The witness then telephoned some of his friends belonging to the minoritycommunity. Justice Ravani contacted Justice MH Kadri at about 4 p.m. Justice Kadritold the witness that the situation around his bungalow was very tense. Incidents oflooting and arson had started taking place. He told Justice Ravani that two ill-equippedpolice constables were posted there. Then Justice Ravani contacted a retired DSP,and requested him to speak to someone in Ellis Bridge police station and ask thepolice to visit Justice Kadri’s residence. One PI ( PI Vachhani) visited Justice Kadri’shouse. He told Justice Kadri that he had no extra police force but he himself would be making rounds and keeping watch. After an hour or so, Justice Ravani again con-tacted Justice Kadri, who informed the witness that in nearby Dhuliakot area (wherethe High Court Judges’ bungalows are located) further incidents of looting and arsonhad taken place. Even near Gujarat College and near Nagari Hospital, garages be-longing to the minority community were damaged or burnt. Thereupon, Justice Ravaniasked a friend staying in Muslim Society, opposite Navrangpura police station, foradvice. At this stage, the grave doubt that occupied the minds of the witness and hisfriend was whether the crowd would give Justice Kadri enough time to phone forhelp. The witness remained in constant touch with Justice Kadri until about 10.30 -11.00 p.m. that night.

The next day, i.e. March 1, at around 8.30 a.m., Justice Ravani tried to contactJustice Kadri, but there was no response on the telephone. This worried him, so hecontacted the protocol officer of the Gujarat High Court. The protocol officer toldhim that late the previous night, Justice Kadri, along with his family members, hadshifted to the nearby bungalow of Justice Vaghela. Justice Ravani requested the pro-tocol officer to convey to Justice Kadri that he was worried, and to request JusticeKadri to contact him as soon as possible. At about 11.30 a.m., Justice Kadri tele-phoned Justice Ravani and told him that pursuant to the suggestion of the ChiefJustice and other judges, he, along with his family members, had shifted to the bunga-low of Justice Vaghela. He further told Justice Ravani that he was being asked toshift to the Judges’ Bungalows in Vastrapur.

At that point, Justice Ravani expressed shock at the prevalent state of affairs. Jus-tice Ravani said that for a sitting judge to be asked to shift from his official residencebecause he was not given full protection amounted to an insult to the independenceof the judiciary and also an insult to the secular philosophy of the Constitution. Inresponse, Justice Kadri requested the witness to come to his home. Before going toJustice Kadri’s place, Justice Ravani tried to contact Justice RA Mehta, director, Judi-cial Academy. Justice Mehta was not available at home but, from his residence, Jus-tice Ravani discovered that Justice Divecha, retired High Court Judge and formerchairman MRTP, was forced to shift out of his residence and that his house had beenransacked. The witness also contacted Justice Divecha at a friend’s house. At about1.15-1.30 p.m., the witness reached Justice Kadri’s house. He was soon joined byJustice Mehta, who also arrived there. From the subsequent talk that they had withJustice Kadri, Justice Ravani gathered that: Chief Justice Dharmadhikari was worried about the safety ofJustice Kadriand his family members and was requesting him to shift to Judges’ Bungalows inVastrapur, or to the CJ’s own residence which is near Judges’ Bungalows. uMilitary intelligence people had told Justice Kadri that it would be advisableto shift out of his bungalow because the police force posted at his residence was notsufficient protection against mob violence and that he should not rely on the localpolice for his safety. The military people had offered him accommodation in the mili-tary guesthouse in the cantonment area, where they could ensure his safety.

Justice Kadri asked his two brother judges for their opinion and, at that point,Justice Mehta received a call on his mobile phone, from the registrar of the HighCourt, who was speaking from the residence of the Chief Justice. The registrar in-formed him that two bungalows, i.e. Bungalow No. 14 and Bungalow No. 26, wereready and either could be occupied by Justice Kadri.

Justice Mehta handed over the phone to Justice Kadri. After his talk with the regis-trar, Justice Kadri asked his two colleagues what they felt he should do now.At this stage, Justice Ravani said, “Brother, I am withdrawing my philosophicalassertions on telephone. The ground reality is that the Constitutional philosophy re-mains now in the book only. We may be courageous but we are not soldiers fightingon the border where to move backward even an inch would be an act of cowardice. Inthe situation in which you are now placed, it would be unwise not to shift to a saferplace.” He further advised him that he should not go anywhere else except in areasclose to his kith and kin. With an ailing mother, aged about 85 and suffering fromcardiac disease, and two college going girls, his wife and himself in a family with noother male member, the trauma that the family was experiencing required the warmthand support of their kith and kin. Military people may have protected him physicallybut they would not have been able to offer him warmth and psychological support.Justice Mehta was of the same opinion.

During their talk with Justice Kadri, the witness and his colleague also realised that he(Justice Kadri) had not eaten since the night before. It was at around 2.30 p.m. that theymade him consume a meagre meal. After he finished his lunch, Justice Kadri received aphone call from military people or someone connected with the military. In the presence ofwitnesses, he said that he was ready to shift to his sister-in-law’s flat, situated behind VSHospital, near Tagore Hall. At about 5.00 p.m., Justice Ravani contacted Justice Kadri andlearnt that at about 4.00 p.m., under military escort, Justice Kadri and his family membershad shifted to his sister-in-law’s house and that his mother’s health was quite stable.Justice Ravani also received panic-stricken calls from advocates who hailed from theminority community, desperately asking him to use his influence and get them policeprotection. The witness, a judge from Gujarat and former Chief Justice, expressed utterhelplessness at the state of affairs, because he found that even his influence was lim-ited. This witness had also submitted a detailed memorandum to the NHRC.

Businessman, Uvez Sareshwala, a resident of Paldi area, also testified before theTribunal regarding the attack on this area. He said that residents of Paldi began to feelinsecure from February 27 itself when marked tension was prevalent all overAhmedabad. He said that in Paldi, it was not just Muslims who were a target, but alsoHindus like Dr. Vyas, Dr. Pragnesh Shah and Dr. Ramesh Parikh, who are profession-als and who maintain cordial relations with Muslims. A prestigious polyclinic of doc-tors, who happen to be Hindus, on the first and second floors of Shalimar building,was also burnt down, using gas cylinders, because the building is Muslim pre-domi-nant. The attacks in Paldi took place from 11 a.m. to 6 p.m. and some stray incidentstook place on the morning of the next day.

In Bungalows No. 16 and 24, elderly family members, Zafar Sheikh, AbdullahMotimahalwala, Nizamuddin Memon and Iqbal Hasmani were badly bruised and in-jured when assailants from the mob attacked them with dharias (sickles), swords andguptis before some people rescued them.

A family from Tarana Apartments paid Rs. 50,000 to the police for protection,which they did not receive! In one of the incidents in Paldi, when the mob was storm-ing into the home of Dr. Bhavnagari, he and his son fired a shot in self defence (seesection on Criminal Justice system, Volume II) only to protect lives. For this they wereharassed by the police and authorities and even jailed.

In Ahmedabad, the Disturbed Areas Act applies, as a result of which, Muslims andHindus cannot buy property from each other. In Tulsi Apartments, many Muslimswho had bought flats earlier cannot now sell to Hindus, and relocate to safer areas; sothey feel cornered from all sides. “We have paid the price for living decently,” is therefrain that could be heard from many of the Muslim residents of Paldi.

Gomtipur/Sundaramnagar

This area of Ahmedabad city is traditionally a communally sensitive spot. Here,violence raged from February 28, 2002 onwards when persons living at BarasaancheNi Chawl, Nagori Chawl, Pannalal Chawl and Sone Ki Chawl, among others, wereshot dead.(See Annexure 8-9, Police Statistics, Volume I). Victims from these areas suf-fered terrible injuries. In Bapunagar, Mariambi Ki Chawl and in Sone Ki Chawl, womenmembers of the targeted Muslim community defended themselves bravely for over 6hours, pelting stones. Young men drove trucks into the murderous mobs to dispersethem. The Tribunal met 53 victims at relief camps all over the city and also at theKarnavati Club where the hearings for these areas were conducted. Two and a halfmonths after the violence raged, there were still over 2,000 persons in theSundaramnagar Camp, simply because insecurity prevailed. The Tribunal visited theSundaramnagar Camp on May 4, 2002.(On February 28, of the 40 persons shot deadby the Ahmedabad police, 36 were Muslims).

Even on August 12, the day when President APJ Abdul Kalam visited victim-survivors at the Haj House Camps, victims from Gomtipur, Bapunagar and Narodawere vocal in their rage and alienation against the CM, Narendra Modi. If propersecurity, i.e., a military point, had been provided, then the people from the vicinity,from Gayatrinagar, Sundaramnagar, Azadnagar, Islamnagar would have gone backto their homes, they said.

Several mobs of about 10,000 persons each, amounting to a total of 3–4 lakhpersons launched simultaneous attacks on these areas of Ahmedabad. While the at-tack in Gulberg society went on for 9 hours before rescue of the traumatised victim-survivors was possible, residents of Naroda Gaon and Patiya suffered from 9 a.m. to2 a.m. – a staggering 17 hours – before rescue was effected. However, in these partsof Ahmedabad, known to be minority strongholds or ghettos, sustained attacks con-tinued unabated for a period of 36 hours.

The attackers functioned in relay batches of about 5,000 persons each, after at-tacks by one group the next batch would take over. The mobs pelted stones, set fire tobuildings and properties and homes including the madrassa at Sundaramnagar, blastedgas cylinders, used a chemical as catalyst in fires etc.

In Sundaramnagar, the police openly supported the miscreants and deliberatelyopened fire against Muslims, killing and injuring several people in the area. More thanthe BJP, the Bajrang Dal and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, it was the police who wereparticularly active that day. They even led the mobs into attacks. Women victim-survivors named PSI Modi of the Gomtipur police station, who subjected them toverbal sexual abuse.

The well-organised attacking mobs used blasts and explosions with gas cylinders toensure comprehensive damage. The blasts and explosions in different locations in thisarea continued for 36 hours. The attackers used to light the fires first and then the gascylinders in so that the subsequent explosion would rip homes apart. The explosionswere unpredictable, they could follow about 15-20 minutes later, there was no sayingwhen they would blow. There were many such blasts in several buildings. About 8-10such cylinders were used to blast the madrassa in Sundaramnagar. Extensive damagewas done here, which has been repaired subsequently. The attackers had loaded carswith these cylinders and were moving around. Witnesses showed shards of one ofthe gas cylinders, of Deep Indian Agency, Distributors, that had been used as such anexplosive device. Eyewitnesses saw a car carrying gas cylinders going around fromthis agency, carrying cylinders from the godown of Deep Indian Agency, Distributors.

Following this car was a petrol tanker, and then a white Tata Sumo carrying more gascylinders, following behind. They also used a particular chemical, contained in smallvials that were thrown into the fire as a catalyst to the explosion, to ensure that thefire spread quickly. The Tribunal also saw a few hundred of these vials at Gulbergsociety, during their field visit there. At Sundaramnagar, the mobs had surroundedthe entire area, from the agricultural field (khetar) to CTM (where a Muslim driver wasburnt alive), and Sone Ki Chawl. The areas around the madrassa are home to workingclass Muslims, the poorest sections, daily wage earners. This madrassa (which subse-quently became the relief camp) became a defence fortress for the people in theneighbourhood. Repeated messages were sent to the madrassa from the attackers, tofind out how many of the poor victims were still alive.

Witness after witness who deposed before us, testified as to how the police abettedin mob violence in these areas of Ahmedabad city. It was the police in front, leadingthe attackers, while Hindu mobs followed. The police opened fire on poor, unsus-pecting Muslim victims who were being made the target, to allow the mobs to pro-ceed further. A vehicle of the ‘Uttam Doodh’ company was used to reverse into andbreak down the madrassa compound wall. Leaders of the mob even entered the build- ing, sat there, drank alcohol in themadrassa, scrawled graffiti on the walls and set fireto it. “Long Live Narendra Modi!” (“Narendra Modi Zindabad”), “The inside story is,The police are with us in this” (“Yeh andar ki baat hai, Police humare saath hai”), “Long Live the RSS!” “Long Live PraveenTogadia!” “Long Live Gordhan Zadaphiya!” etc.were some of the slogans that were written on the walls in the madrassa at Sundaramnagar. The manager of the relief camp, FarukhAzam, testified to this. Thiswitness was also an eyewitness to the conduct of none less than the Gujarat homeminister, Gordhan Zadaphiya who passed this way. His car went past this area andthen drove back again, on National Highway No. 8 just outside the madrassa.This witness testified that it was when the attacks were at their height, when he sawGordhan Zadaphiya driving past, openly encouraging the mobs, with his fingers raisedin a “V-sign”, cheering the mobs along the way. At least 10 witnesses testified to seeingthis with their own eyes. This was Gordhan Zadaphiya, the home minister of Gujarat.His car was escorted by 2 police cars, one in the front and one at the rear. The witnesssaid that he was willing to swear to this testimony as an eyewitness in court. He hasalready testified before Justice Verma and members of the NHRC at the Circuit House annexe, mentioning names, as he did before the Tribunal.

Witnesses from this area expressed anguish at what they saw as a design of thepolitical dispensation, headed by the ruling BJP government, to wipe out the Muslimcommunity in Gujarat. Witnesses said that part of this strategy included the eradica-tion of all trace of Muslim presence on the Highway — no Muslims, no Muslim shopsor establishments should be visible on the Highway. (The masjid opposite the policestation at Bapunagar nearby was destroyed in full view of the police, and a mandir wasbuilt in its place. Similarly, a dargah opposite the Bapunagar masjid was also broken.Another masjid near the stadium was also broken. Several masjids were deliberatelybroken or trashed and in some cases like the Madina Masjid nearby, ‘Long Live LordRam!’ (‘Jai Siyaram’) etc. was scrawled across their walls.)

Many witnesses stated that over those three desperate days, they had called the topechelons of the police with no result. From the constable right up to the CP, no helpwas forthcoming. Either they would not answer their telephones or they would hangup on them.

Much later, camp managers requested the police to allow camp inhabitants the useof a road, a relatively safe passage between Satyamnagar and Gayatrinagar (which arepredominated by Hindus and Muslims respectively), so that people who needed tovisit their homes, which were looted etc. could get their safely. But the police simplyrefused to co-operate. Witnesses who deposed before the Tribunal stated that thepolice used the names of the areas to deliberately mislead people by saying that sinceGayatrinagar and Sundaramnagar are populated by Hindus (which is untrue) andtherefore not safe. Whenever victim-survivors called for help, the police respondedby saying that no Muslims lived in Gayatrinagar and Sundaramnagar anyway. Two-and-a-half months down the line, victim-survivors had still not been given a safepassage to their homes. The Tribunal paid a field visit to the areas. Their homes hadbeen burnt or destroyed and the little there was left had been looted.

A victim-survivor from Barasaanche Ki Chawl, identified as Gulam Rasool Qureshi,named Dilip, paan shopowner, who lives in the police lines and has a paan shop next to MRG Mills and Raju ‘chanawala’ as leaders from the 10-15,000 strong mob. A manin the mob caught hold of this witness’ son, after which a policeman fired at his chest.He was 22 years old. The police report mentions that he died in the rioting but it doesnot mention how he died — that he was shot at.

Eyewitness Farid Khan Abdul Wahid Khan saw a 15-16-year-old boy being shot inthe chest after his arm had been cut off brutally. This took place on February 28. Hesaid that when he went to Civil Hospital, Sola, there were mobs of Bajrang Dal andRSS people. This was at 3.30 a.m. on March 1. This witness stated that he saw 400-500 corpses including a 13-month-old baby and they had been very badly burnt. Hestated that there were about 100 innocent children amongst them.

Pathetic tales of brutal victimisation were detailed here. A witness, Fakir Ahmed,and his sister Jannatben, the latter unmarried and both handicapped used to run abusiness in the area. Both were victims of indiscriminate firing, after which the mobburnt his sister alive in Chartoda Kabrastan. She was about 42 years old. The post-mortem report of this victim said, “shock due to burns”. The witness was savedbecause someone picked him up and ran. Their home was destroyed.

Mohammed Abdul Qureshi, who testified before the Tribunal, lost his 23-year-oldbrother, Mohammed Ishaq, who was shot at close range. This happened on March 1.Mohammed Ishaq was standing when the mob came; the police were with them. Thepolice point that was there for their protection was used, instead, to fire at them.Mohammed Ishaq’s post-mortem report said, “injury in right lung.” The witness man-aged to run away and thus escaped with his life intact. They were residents of PannalalChawl, Rm. 42.

When the Tribunal met them in May, victim-survivors from the area were afraid togo back to their homes, because when they did, they were still repeatedly pelted withstones and threatened. Many homes have been completely destroyed. When one boytried to go back, he was hit on the head with a big stone. Residents did try to go back5-6 times, but later abandoned all thoughts about returning to their homes. Even thewomen refused to return. The police version was that the people of the chawl hadattacked, whereas actually the mob came with swords and bombs to the chawl andattacked the residents.

Witness Hanifa Bano from Nagori Chawl (20 years) was enraged and agitated whenshe deposed before the Tribunal because her family’s home had been destroyed com-pletely and a temple had been built in its place. They cannot go back now. Ironically,their home was opposite the police station. Hanifa identified assailants from the areasuch as Manoj, Suresh Pithawala and his two brothers, Manoj and Duriya—theirshop was right opposite the witness’. Hanifa’s family has the only Muslim shop in thearea. She stated that when they were caught by the rampaging mobs, they threatenedthat they would kill them. Verbal abuse was used to terrorise the victims.

In her deposition, Alifa Bano, wife of Mohammed Sultan, told the Tribunal thattwo mobs came and attacked them where they lived, just opposite the Gomtipurpolice station. One man had a band tied to his forehead and he stabbed the witness with a knife from the back.They raped the witness’ daughter and used such foullanguage that was “difficult for decent people to repeat.” They torched the witness’house in front of her eyes. The police van was standing there but when they called forhelp, the police just drove away. And they lived just opposite Gomtipur police sta-tion. The fire brigade was also there, but they, too, did not help the victim-survivors,who had been living there for 8 years. The witness stated that this was the first timethat their neighbours had behaved badly with them, they had never behaved like thisbefore. Two temples have since been built where the witness’ house-cum-shop stood.Several witnessess from Rajpur Toll Naka, Gomtipur, including Sabbirbhai Allarakhaand Rashidabehn Gulam Nabi, complained bitterly of the behaviour of the RAF (RapidAction Force) and PSI Modi, who used abusive terms towards the Muslim residentsof Gomtipur. Rashidabehn said that even in mid-May when they tried to go back totheir homes, they were threatened by knife-wielding youths. They had written suchfoul things about her on the doors of their homes, and on the walls, that the witnessfound it difficult to repeat the abuse. In this area, vile sexual abuse was evident allthrough. Rashidabehn’s house was looted and burnt on February 28. Mobs have com-pletely destroyed all 70 houses in Parmanand Chawl.

Naseembano Munnabhai Sheradi, aged 35, was widowed when she lost her hus-band in the police firing on February 28. She has 6 children, of whom the eldest, adaughter, is 14 years old. Her husband heard the mob, so he went to look for thechildren. Both the gates of the graveyard (Chartoda Kabrastan) were closed at thetime. The police came in and started firing. The witness has lost her means of sup-port. Her house is still standing. She showed the Tribunal, the notes from her husband’spocket along with his diary, which were torn and blood-soaked. The police pumpedthree bullets into him.

Irfan Sultanbhai, a victim-survivor living at Maniarwada Toll Naka, stated that onApril 21, he was attacked by a mob from three sides. The police helped the mob bybreaking down the gates, by ramming their jeep into them. They came into the houseand broke the TV and other things and pulled out one of his sons, took him to theterrace and shot him. This witness could identify one Navnit, who is a constable, whowas with them but he could not say exactly who had shot at his son. It was the armywho pointed out to the family, that there was a dead man on the terrace. The policedid not make a panchnama, nor did they write a report, they just took him away. Thevictim’s name was Mehboobbhai Sultanbhai and he was 23 years old. He was shotright in the centre of the head. The plight of the victim’s family and the terror gener-ated by the mobs and the police can be gauged by the witness’ response to policeorders that he should accompany his son’s dead body to the Civil Hospital at Sola.The witness, father of the dead youth, said it was too dangerous for him to go there,and that Vadilal Hospital was better. The callous police insisted that the father ac-company them to Sola. The witness said that at the hospital he was surrounded by arampaging mob but fortunately he escaped. (See sub-section in Consequences —Communalisation of Public Space, Volume II.)

Similarly, the Tribunal recorded the testimonies of 25 witnesses whose close familymembers had been shot dead by the police. (See Annexures 8-9, Police Statistics–VolumeI.) At least 12 persons who deposed before the Tribunal were eyewitnesses to theatrocious and clearly illegal behaviour of the Gomtipur police. There were testimo-nies that stated again and again that about 12 policemen, all in blue clothes (the RAFuniform) and four ‘D’ staff (constables), with PSI Modi, were the main assailants. InGomtipur the first brutal assaults took place on February 28, after which there werefresh attacks on April 5 and April 21.

One witness, Sirajkhan Babukhan Pathan from the Barasaanche Chawl, Gomtipur, waswitness to point blank shooting by the police that killed many innocent Muslims on March 1.

On that day, as he ran to save his life when the attacks occurred, he saw the pronebody of a man, Mohammed Alibhai. Thinking he was dead, the witness picked up thebody and brought him to the madrassa, when he noticed that the man was still alive.He had been shot in the head. A bit further, he saw Shariefbhai, a young boy, who hada bullet-hole in his stomach. When the police saw him trying to help the injured boy,they started abusing him saying, “Miyan, where are you going?” Then a person fromthe crowd insisted that he say, “Jai Siyaram.” The witness said that this person was nota policeman, he was an RSS man, with a tilak and big moustache. He beat the witnessup for three hours, then after swearing at him told him to go.

Witnesses stated clearly that while some of the deaths caused by shooting were frombullets fired by the police, there were equal or more instances of persons being shotdead in private firings. One policeman from the Ajit Mill chowki, Gayatrinagar, underBapunagar police station, who was involved in firing, had removed his name tag (billa),and his belt. Otherwise, he was in uniform. Many were wearing helmets so that theirfaces were covered and could not be easily identified by the victim-survivors. However,witnesses were clear that they could identify some of these people if given the chance.

A point worthy of mention is that policemen from the Bapunagar station, which coversthis area, didn’t do anything here. Witnesses stated that the personnel of different po-lice stations stepped outside their jurisdictions and committed atrocities. The Bapunagar policewent to Amraiwadi and the Amraiwadi police came to Bapunagar. Amraiwadi policewent to commit atrocities in Khanwadi in the Vatwa area, which should actually havehad policemen from Ramol (GIDC). It was a deliberate attempt to ensure that peoplewould not be able to recognise them as local policemen. The witnesses here assertedthis trend with confidence, saying that the policemen from Bapunagar, whom they werefamiliar with — Barot sa’ab, Patel sa’ab, Ashokji etc.— they could have named andidentified. This appears to have been a strategy of the policemen here.

In Ramol, a railway employee called Rafiqbhai Mohammed Hanif — a relative ofone of the witnesses — was stopped by the police on his way back from duty. Heshowed them his identification and told them that he was returning home from workbut they shot him. It was the Amraiwadi police who shot him, when, in fact, the areais under Vatwa jurisdiction; the PI there is PI Chauhan. It was the Amraiwadi policewho were covering that area at that time.

It was the same story when there was a bomb-blast in this locality just four daysbefore the Tribunal visited the area. Witnesses saw that, while some armed policemenw e re patrolling the area, some miscreants rode up on a Yamaha motorcycle , threw thebomb and drove off . When residents tried to draw the police’ s attention to this , theofficer at the police station told them that he had seen the sparks (chingari ) coming fromtheir side, that they had themselves set it off. Witnesses also testified that following this,policemen from the Odhav division entered the masjid in Bapunagar with their shoes on,arrested some of the people and went off. These were policemen from Odhav division,when this area falls within the jurisdiction of Bapunagar police station.

The number of illegal detentions from this area of Ahmedabad alone, warrant special investigation. Thethrust of the evidence collected from many victim-survivors indicated that, before the massacre at Godhra tookplace, there was nothing wrongwith the atmosphere in the area. It was after the Godhra massacre and the subsequentcall for a Bandh that the trouble started. People felt that though there may have beenplanning for the attacks in advance, no discernible signs to disrupt peace were visible .

It was after the Godhra massacre that the attackers chalked out a plan and then started attacking Muslims .The call for the Bandh was supported by the government, which itself is against the law . They felt thatnewspapers like  Gujarat Samachar and Sandesh too played a vital role in the violence. Their reportage,the photographs and articles they carried were extremely inflammatory and incited people to violence.

And the news coverage in Sandesh continued to be very inflammatory right up to the day of the Tribunal’svisit. Victim-survivors felt that this w as not a communal riot, it was a massacre of Muslims. A communal riotimplied that there were attacks on people from both communities. If it had been a communal riot, they said,the properties of both Hindus and Muslims would have been attacked but the Hindu properties were not touched—Muslims did not attack them, yet they kept on saying that Godhra w as par t of a planned massacre byMuslims .

As one witness said, “Even today , leaders from the VHP go on saying that people f rom the Muslimcommunity in our area are terrorists . It is the y w ho are not allowing peace to return. They keep referringto Muslims as terrorists or Pakistanis . They are the ones w ho kill Muslims , who attack Muslims and thenthey demonise Muslims .”

One of the most disturbing aspects of the violence on victims in Sundaramnagar and Gomtipur were theseverity of burn injuries on their per son. One victim-survivor who deposed before the Tribunal, Shaikh IsmailDosumiya, was in a pitiable situation, with 38 per cent burn injuries . He said that on March 1, there wasrioting and stone-throwing in Gayatrinagar . The mobs were throwing stones and in defence, residents ofGayatrinagar were throwing stones back at them. During this, the mob also threw acid bottles and gas bottlesat them and 7 persons, including the witness, were burnt. In that terribly burnt condition, he then walkedfrom Gayatrinagar to the Maidan nearby . This was at 11.30 a.m. on March 1. The police was nowhere to be seen.The attackers carried many weapons, dharias (sickles), guptis and private (privately owned) guns . There was alot of firing in which many youths were hit by bullets .

After having retired from the Indian army, this witness had a job in the securityservices department of Indian Airlines, but had not been to work since this brutal burning two months earlier.He was in VS Hospital for 45 days. At the hospital, there weresome initial problems regarding payment of the deposit amount of Rs. 2,000 and procurement of medicines butthey were sorted out. Besides that, there was no trouble withhis treatment there. A police case was registered at the VS Hospital itself. Though thepolice had recorded his statement, he had not received a copy of his FIR. This witnesssaid he could not identify anyone in the mob. He said however that the mob was huge,there were a lot of people, about 10,000 stretching from the Maidan to CTM. He livedat the Sundaramnagar Maidan, opposite the camp. There are about 3,000-3,500 Muslimhouses with about 10,000 residents in the area. Of these, about 400-500 houses havebeen burnt although no survey has been done so far.

The plight of this victim, who could barely stand before the Tribunal because ofhis wounds, was tragic. He was clad in thin underpants due to the severe burns on hisskin. He was in severe discomfort. He could not walk in the sun for if he did, he feltdizzy and his body burnt. He had received no compensation. This witness was one ofthose who met President Abdul Kalam when he visited Ahmedabad at the Haj HouseCamp. Cringing at his plight, the President had assured him enough funds for hiscomplete treatment in the presence of CM Modi.

Another tragic case was that of Shaikh Guddu Shamsuddin (23) who had lost hisvoice due to a wound from a bullet fired into his throat/neck in the course of policefiring on March 1. He had had extensive surgery and a plastic tube had been insertedinto his neck. As a result of the injury, he also lost his ability to speak and even aftermedical treatment, his voice was practically a whisper. The witness spoke to the Tri-bunal with great difficulty, describing the events of March 1 in detail. He is a machinepainter and between 9.30-10 a.m. that morning, he was walking towards Gayatrinagarwhen he saw 4 policemen standing there with their rifles cocked. Behind the police-men, was a car, a Tata car (No. 407) and crouched behind the car, was a mob. Fright-ened, he turned away and started shouting for help and that was when the police shothim. They looked like local police. They shot him with a “long rifle”, a .303. He didn’trecognise anyone in the mob because they were behind the car. The witness said thathe had been lucky to escape from the mob. He said that the police, who were facinghim when they fired, had fired at him so that he would not call to other Muslims forhelp. They deliberately targeted his throat so that he could not shout for help. Theyshot him through the neck and his windpipe (nalli) was ruptured, as a result of whichhe lost a lot of blood. He managed to take a few steps and then collapsed. It was thenthat some Muslims from nearby came and picked him up and took him to safety. Bythat time, he was unconscious.

He said that since it was not safe to go to VS Hospital at the time, he was first takento Al Amin Hospital and then later moved to VS Hospital. On the way to Al Amin,too, there were attempts to stop the vehicle, a tent had been put up to barricade theroad and miscreants were throwing stones. Here, too, the police opened fire, and injured 2 youths. The Al Amin ambulance driver was also hurt. In the hospital, thesurgeons did a graft using flesh from the chest. A hole was made in the neck so that hecould speak in a whisper and that was how members of the Tribunal could hear him.The victim had no complaint about his treatment at the hospital.

The Tribunal met several victims of burns and bullet injuries who had barely es-caped with their lives and for whom no provisions have been made for payment ofcompensation. One Mohammed Naim sustained a bullet wound through the side (inthe waist), in police firing on March 1. He was fired at by policemen who drove up,and trained their rifles on the Muslims of Gayatrinagar (stationing themselves at whatwitnesses described as the ‘border’ near the Industrial estate), while the Hindu mobcontinued their attack relentlessly. It was as if the policemen were the rear and frontguards of the mobs, making it possible for the targets to be found.

That morning (March 1), 6 people were injured in police firing. Witnesses said thatthey did nothing to warrant the police firing. They recognised one of the policemen,Bhupendran Gadvi, D Staff, No. 2022, Rakhial Police Station, and another who wasalso a Gadvi, but whose full name they didn’t know.

Mohammed Yasin Ansari, a burn victim with 57 per cent burns, also from acid thrown,told the Tribunal that for the first 3 days at VS Hospital, he was not given any treatment.No one from his family could come to the hospital because of the prevailing situation.After 13 days in VS hospital, of the 20-22 burn victims admitted to their ward, this wit-ness said that only 3 remained alive. This was an example of the callous treatment that theVS hospital was giving Muslim patients. This witness said that he was afraid that he wouldmeet with the same fate and came home. He insisted that, at the VS Hospital, treatmentwas being given, but those patients who were given blood, died. He said that even whenhe was given the first bottle of blood, his condition worsened, he was unable to move hisarms and legs and stopped speaking, so he decided to leave the hospital. He was in severediscomfort when the Tribunal recorded evidence in the scorching heat of May. Though hisdoctor had advised that he should be readmitted to the hospital, this witness was reluctantto do so, terrified at the treatment he might receive there.

Ghulamhussain Ali Hussain was another burn injuries victim-survivor who hadsuffered 25 per cent burns, had been in hospital for one and a half months and who,together with his entire family, had been without work or earning for that period.Many witnesses made strong statements about the lack of payment of compensa-tion for injured persons, saying that they should get at least 40 per cent of the amountgiven for loss of life. They said that the government had not provided for compensa-tion, either for the disabled or the injured, and had not responded to injuries anddisability caused in this carnage. They said that after the earthquake in 2001, thesame Gujarat government had announced that persons with up to 40 per cent disability would receive Rs. 50,000but for the carnage no such compensation had beengiven to the victims.

Witness Fakruddin Imamuddin Ansari (23) was shot point blank in his ribs and wasrendered without livelihood for 2 months thereafter. He had received nothing from the government. He was a daily wage earner who did machine embroidery, and alsohad a family grocery shop, which was also burnt. Women from Sone Ki Chawl suf-fered severe injuries in the stone throwing.

The Tribunal recorded with interest the eyewitness testimony of Mohan Bundelaof Jan Sangharsh Manch, which has been lodged as an FIR with the Gomtipur Police.“Salatnagar in Gomtipur had approximately 260 hutments, in which about 1,500inhabitants resided. On March 1, about 2,000 miscreants came and reduced thesehutments, together with the household belongings, to ash. The leaders of this crowdwore saffron headbands and saffron belts with trishuls tucked in them. Many amongthem wielded swords. This mob was assisted by the PSI of ‘D’ staff of Gomtipur, Modi,in setting fire to the hutments. Modi arrived in his own jeep (registration number GJ-1-AR-5342) and stopped opposite Ambika Mill No.1 at about 12 o’clock in the after-noon....” (See Annexure FIR Against Police --Detailed Annexures Volume 3.)Witness Shaikh Mohd Salim said that on April 21, just 10 days before the Tribunalvisited, in Maniarwada, fearing assault and detention when the attack came, the menran away and only women remained there. The police pulled out a boy from onehouse and shot him dead. They had a lot of trouble breaking down the witness’ maingate and they broke it by ramming into it with a jeep. This was done by men wearingblue clothes and ‘D’ staff. Acid bombs were thrown at the Muslims.

The same day, opposite Amrapalli, in another part of Gomtipur, a police constablewas killed. In an obvious retaliation, the police, taking advantage of the curfew inManiarwada, shot dead Mehboobbhai Ibrahim who was the father of four small chil-dren. An innocent man was killed for nothing. He had stepped out for some relaxationand was taken upstairs and shot. Maniarwada had been unaffected before this.