Faujis as voters
From being desultory participants in the electoral process all these years, theIndian Army, this time has made a conscious effort to get as many of itspersonnel to vote in Elections 2009. But the army men have come up against awall of opposition from election officials at most places, frustrating theirefforts to emerge as a potent vote bank. Late last year, the Army chief GeneralDeepak Kapoor sent a circular to all formations to achieve 100% registration ofarmy men as voters at their place of posting, and since then a campaign of sortswas launched in cantonments across the country. Soldiers have also been asked toget their families registered as voters. The realization to become a proper votebank came about mainly due to the perceived short-changing of the armed forcesby the 6th pay commission. The defence establishment has for sometime now beenkeen to be more politically active, at least when it comes to exercising theirfranchise, so that politicos take more notice of the demands of the forces. Thearmed forces have about 13 lakh voters, which, along with their families, couldbe about a crore.
The Election Commission, too has made things easier for army men this time withits latest instructions which has made it possible for them to register at theirplace of posting. The system of proxy voting too has been stepped up because thepostal ballot commonly used by army men to exercise their franchise never reallyworked properly. Not that the new changes have made it any different for the menin uniform. Consider this: The Punjab election office is flooded with some 8000appeals from army men of Bhatinda cantonment against rejection of their requeststo get registered as voters. From the 10,000 strong Bhatinda army cantonment,just 2139 army personnel were registered leading to much anguish. The massrejection is on ‘flimsy grounds’ described by the Bhatinda districtadministration as procedural delays and what the army calls as "deliberatelydelaying the process".
A similar situation has cropped up in Ambala cantonment in Haryana, where out ofthe 25000 odd army men stationed, the administration has enrolled just around12%. Army units were turned back on the ground that they have to get NOC fromthe native places of the jawans. Officials at the State Election office,however, clarify that an NOC is not required at all. All that an army personnelneeds, according to latest Election commission guidelines, is his identity cardand a certificate from their units that they are on tenure posting. Forgovernment minions in the district administration, the huge rush of armyapplicants appears to be an extra load of work, best way to deal with which isto fob them off on technical grounds.
Official lethargy though, does not seem to be the only reason for denying armymen the right to vote. Outlook has learnt that in Bhatinda, where theAkalis are locked in a do or die battle with a resurgent Congress, the formerwould rather not have Bhatinda cantonment vote. Requesting anonymity, an Akalileader told Outlook that they fear the army men just might vote forRaninder Singh, who is former chief minister Capt Amarinder Singh’s son.Amarinder Singh is very active in army circles in Punjab and keeps in regulartouch with the Sikh regiment in which he was commissioned. Akali Dal president,Sukhbir Badal has fielded his wife Harsimrat Kaur from Bhatinda and it is todaythe most prestigious contest in Punjab, being fought between two of thestate’s leading political families. At one stage it was even conveyed to thecantonment authorities that their appeal for registration could be attended toif they permitted political parties to canvass inside the cantonment. It was arequest which could not be met because political activities on A1 defence landare not permitted.
That Bhatinda is different is clear from the fact that elsewhere in Punjab, andeven in Rajsthan, in the relatively smaller cantonments of Faridkot, Gurdaspur,Suratgarh, Ganganagar etc the process of registering armymen has been quitesmooth. A similar story is being played out at Ambala, but here it is the fearof the BJP which explains the reluctance of the Congress led state government toallow army men to vote. The BJP has announced a slew of promises ranging from‘one rank one pension’ to exemption from income tax for defence personnel ifit comes to power.
Long used to being virtually excluded from the electoral process, the Indianarmy, like many other sections of society is finally waking up and wanting tomake its voice heard in the electoral din. It is only just beginning to learn,however, what a Herculean effort it is.
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Dera Sacha Sauda – a political entity
Political discourse in Punjab nowadays is centered around two issues: Whowill win Bhatinda parliamentary constituency and which way will the Dera SachaSauda tilt. Both the issues are related because it is widely believed thatwhoever the Dera supports in Bhatinda -- the Malwa heartland -- will eventuallywin. The formidable Sirsa based Dera, which is said to command some 40 lakhvotes in Punjab, Haryana and Rajasthan, has emerged as a political entity inthis election through its newly formed political affairs wing (PAW). It isleveraging its influence to arm-twist political parties to allow the Dera tofunction as before. As of now, even after block level meetings with itsfollowers, the Dera’s PAW has kept its support a closely guarded secret.
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In the assembly elections of 2007, it supported the Congress which led toAmarinder Singh’s stunning victory in the Akali stronghold of Malwa. But sincethe Akalis won the election, the party under Sukhbir Badal launched a terrorcampaign against the Dera followers, beating them, imprisoning them in falsecases, not allowing their religious gatherings and in several cases preventingthem from cremating their dead. Result: today Dera followers are unwilling tovote for the Akali- BJP combine even though the Akalis have offered to allowthem freedom to worship if they do so.
Politicians of all persuasions and hues have been visiting the deraheadquarters in Sirsa in the last few weeks to gauge which way it is likely totilt. The Dera head Gurmeet Ram Rahim on his part has deliberately obfuscatedthe issue with his ambiguous statements in which he has repeatedly insisted thathe is in "favour of a negotiated settlement of the issue with the Sikhclergy". In plain terms this would imply that he is looking for a quid pro quoin return for his support. The Sikh clergy and radical Sikh organizations thoughhave been demanding for the last one and half year that he should apologizebefore the Akal Takht for allegedly aping their 10th Guru Gobind Singh.
Chautala seeks forgiveness
A strange silence envelops Sirsa, the home base of Om Prakash Chautala formerHaryana chief minister and chief of the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD). It issaid not a leaf moves here without the permission of the Chautala clan. So, whatdo people of Sirsa do when they do not want to support his candidate in theelection? They simply clam up and do their own thing on election day. A visit toSirsa a few days ago was instructive in how people cope with intimidationwithout compromising on their political leanings. At the busy market of Chopta,a small tehsil town in the constituency, I asked a group of shopkeepers whichway the political wind is blowing in their area. They just smiled. One of themsaid vaguely, "Everything is fine, we will see who to vote for on electionday." At this, his mate gestured to me to come into the shop. "No one willdiscuss anything political in the open market. Who knows where our utteranceswill be carried?." He then proceeded to tell me that though he is a Congresssupporter, he has told the local Congress minions that he will not attend anypublic meeting of their candidate and will not be visibly involved inelectioneering for the party. "I am a silent supporter", he mumbles.
It is almost five years since Chautala relinquished office after losing theassembly elections. His rule was characterized by an unprecedented deteriorationof the law and order situation in the state. Murders, dacoities and kidnappingswere routine. Mafia dons flourished from their jail cells and the Chautala clan,which includes his two sons, did little to dispel the stigma of ‘goondaism’attached to its name. Five years is a long time in politics, but apparentlylittle has changed for Chautala’s INLD in Haryana. The man who ruled Haryanawith the authority of a despot is today seeking forgiveness from people of Sirsa."Forgive me, if my workers, my candidate or I have committed any mistake inthe past", he is reportedly saying to people. Will they?