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Anna Domini

The government trips over a campaign with fundamental problems of its own

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Anna Domini
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As was evident this week, the road to Asia’s largest jail is sometimes paved with good intentions. The tall iron gates of Tihar Central Jail were decked in marigold and didn’t look foreboding to the crowd that waited outside on August 16 for Anna Hazare, the 74-year-old crusader against corruption, to emerge. The government had released him, but he refused to budge. Anna’s supporters had been waiting there for a while, but despite the blistering sun, the mood was upbeat and infectious. After all, it was the day after the 64th anniversary of independence and a team that vocally claimed the legacy of the freedom fighters was going to emerge from jail. There on, as Anna leveraged his advantage to the full and insisted on a total surrender by the government, it capped a particularly bad sequence of events for the Manmohan Singh regime, one marked by an appalling lack of judgement, tact and touch. The initial denial of permission for the August 16 fast had clearly boomeranged. As things stand, a victorious caravan of agitators will move to Delhi’s Ramlila grounds for 15 days—clamouring for a “people’s draft” of the Lokpal Bill that the government doesn’t want to touch.

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All along, there was constant TV focus on the agitation. Very young faces across the nation spoke out vociferously. They wore bandanas and Anna masks, chanted slogans, sang, painted the tricolour on their faces, carried flags, braved the monsoons. The extreme media attention to the protests and the use of bulk SMSes ensured every moment was covered. So it was not surprising that the arrest backfired and brought more out on to the streets. The sense of injury, anger and hurt spread far and wide. The government knew it had made a big mistake.

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“Larger sections of society must debate the Lokpal Bill. Hazare must be credited for bringing the issue to the forefront.” Justice A.P. Shah, Former CJ, Delhi HC

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“Liberalisation has also come with high prices and aspirations. The middle class has a car, but petrol prices have gone up...” Aruna Roy, Member, MKSS

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“The middle class didn’t bat an eyelid when 20,000 people were displaced by CWG. Now, it is raging against corruption.” Arundhati Dhuru, NAPM
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“People are angry the resources they need to get by are out of their reach. We can no longer refuse to see the disparities.” Binayak Sen, Doctor, activist

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“You will not see unorganised workers at this stir, as they’ll lose a day’s wages. The middle class can afford to agitate.” Krishna Ananth, Former fellow, Nehru Memorial
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“The middle class finds itself in the curious position of being the perpetrator and the victim of the corruption it is fighting.” Dipankar Gupta, Sociologist, JNU

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“I told the Delhi police they had unfortunately missed their moment in history by denying Hazare permission to protest.” Kiran Bedi, Former IPS officer, activist
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“Why is it that political forces that despise the basic structure of the Constitution are out in full cry against corruption?” Dilip Simeon, Historian, commentator

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“The fight against corruption has to address a wider platform and must engage with issues like displacement and rights.” Medha Patkar, Social activist

But as we went to press on August 18, there appeared to be a bit of give-and-take between Anna’s team and the government. The fast unto death was now a fast till health permits. It will be for 15 days and not a month. And the government withdrew most of the conditions it laid down for the JP Park protest, including that he shouldn’t fast for more than seven days and that the number of his supporters shouldn’t exceed 5,000. But then who are Anna’s supporters? What is it that has rattled Prime Minister Manmohan Singh? Has India’s urban and rural middle class—students, professionals, unemployed youth, farmers—turned against him? Some pointers:

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Leftist groups in Delhi. (Photograph by Sandipan Chatterjee)

Scam after scam. Lie after lie.

The UPA government’s second term is sinking under the weight of shocking cases of corruption. Be it ex-telecom minister A. Raja’s 2G scam or the one involving Suresh Kalmadi and the CWG, the scale is simply shocking. What’s worse was the appalling ‘image management’. Instead of trying even look like coming clean and making a new beginning—using the crisis to honestly put in better systems—senior cabinet ministers, including the prime minister, tried in vain to defend the guilty. That severely corroded the credibility of a government that used to make much of the fact that it was run by an honest prime minister. Which is perhaps why the influential, 250-million-strong middle class, the original beneficiary of Manmohanomics, has turned against him. Earlier, new jobs and a departure from the licence raj had brought with it the promise of an India on the fast track of economic growth. But today the same Manmohan presides over a scenario where ever-spiralling prices squeeze the middle class even as those in cosy patronage networks are seen to make off with all the loot.

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The anger in Delhi and elsewhere, therefore, has an urban bias—it is an almost personified idea of corruption everyone’s fighting, and it stems from close home. Prof Dipankar Gupta of JNU says traditionally all movements have been led by the middle class, whether it was the JP movement, the anti-Mandal agitation, or peasants led by Mahendra Singh Tikait. “Jobs are drying up, emploment in the organised sector is shrinking, prices are going up,” says Prof Gupta. “The middle class finds itself in the curious position of being the perpetrator and the victim of corruption. That explains its participation.”

That there are layers to this middle class is a point hard to miss. The crowd outside Tihar largely comprised unemployed youth and college students whose parents may have tasted the fruits of an India that opened up its economy, courtesy Manmohan. But today they are a disillusioned lot. In contrast, the crowd on the lawns of India Gate comprised well-heeled professionals—doctors, engineers, lawyers and techies—who had come to express solidarity with Anna after a day’s work.

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The turnout is impressive too. “I can’t recall the last time people came out in such large numbers to protest,” says V. Krishna Ananth, lawyer and former fellow of the Nehru Memorial. “In the past two decades, the middle class has stayed away from protesting. Such activities were left to the organised working class and the peasantry. Once again, the middle class is on the streets and it is a welcome sign. A robust democracy, I will say. Of course, you will not see the unorganised sector participating here because a day off from work will cost them their daily bread. The middle class can afford to agitate.” According to activist-nac member Aruna Roy, one must not forget liberalisation has also come with high prices and high aspirations. “The middle class has a car, but petrol prices have gone up, they have a house, but its mortgaged and offering a bribe has become a done thing,” she says. Doctor-activist Binayak Sen hastens to add that too much should not be read into the urban-centric nature of the movement. “I feel people across the countryside are protesting more against the salting away of our scarce public resources and they are angry that the resources they need to get by are out of their reach. We can be no longer be blind to the huge disparities between the rich and the poor,” he says.

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Eunuchs in Ahmedabad

Young, old. And angry.

Eighteen and restless, science undergrads Akshay, Shefali and Aditi bunked classes for a day to express solidarity with Anna. They have not read the Jan Lokpal bill which Hazare wants to be put up for debate in Parliament. But they know it addresses corruption. They say degrees are bought, coveted courses are offered for a price. The solution? Anna’s bill. Incredulous as the response may appear, the Jan Lokpal bill has become the rallying point for everyone. Everyone believes it’s a panacea. Hence the chorus for Anna’s release.

“He has become the focus of the angst felt by all of us,” say Pramod Kapur and his wife Purnima. A former public sector employee, Kapur is agitated that the government has incarcerated Anna with the scamsters in Tihar. “Is that a fair thing to do?” he asks, and wonders when good sense will prevail. Indeed, for the last couple of months, a simple man from Maharashtra, wearing a white topi, has become the Mahatma for the young and the old. It is not uncommon to hear them say that it’s his simplicity and austerity that have endeared him to them. “He doesn’t even own a house,” they say admiringly.

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Citizens’ groups in Bhopal spoke up for Anna.
(Photograph by Vivek Pateria)
Let’s fight. That’s the mood.

Delhi is under siege, though not for the first time. There have been bigger movements in the past with larger participation. The farmers’ agitation of the late 1980s saw over four lakh farmers descend on the Boat Club lawns pressing for higher support prices and free bijli-pani. The then Rajiv Gandhi government had to bow to their demands within a week. The anti-Mandal agitation of the 1990s that made former PM V.P. Singh a villain for scores of upper-caste students was played out forcefully in Delhi and radiated everywhere. These were movements led largely by the middle class, rural and urban. Anna’s movement may not have their numbers or their reach but in the post-liberal 24/7 digital age, one has to give credit to Anna & Co for giving currency to the C-word by making canny use of information technology. Bulk smses, campaigns on Facebook and Twitter, some started on people’s own initiatives, have helped spread the word nationwide. And the electronic media became a force multiplier through wall-to-wall coverage.

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In Calcutta, there were signature campaigns and protests took over the busy Esplanade Metro Channel. Such scenes were visible elsewhere too. In Hyderabad-Secunderabad, it was a colourful combination of youth, the salaried middle class, mahila mandals, social activists and elderly Gandhians who came out to the streets to register their support for Hazare. Elsewhere, around the state, 400 students of the Government Junior College in Mahboobnagar organised a meet to support Anna. Social activist Shyam Sunder, who addressed students, said, “Fight for your future, a corruption-free one.”

In Mumbai, Azad Maidan, in the heart of the city’s main business district, is the focal point for several protests and rallies. Young and old, men and women, professionals and students trooped in here on a continuous basis, the numbers swelling and ebbing depending on the turn of events in Delhi around Hazare’s arrest. Pro-Anna protesters wearing the familiar Gandhi topi with the declaration “I am Anna” and a telephone number became a common sight at other venues too, mainly suburban railway stations where small groups of people met and raised slogans. Mumbai’s famous dabbawallas too joined the agitation, curtailing their work days and threatening a day off on August 19 to support Anna’s movement.

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Fake notes for the corrupt, a slogan hits the ‘G’ note

Saffron or Secular?

Right from the time Anna & Co camped and fasted in Jantar Mantar, the idioms used by the protesters, the bhajans during sunset and the invocations to a pop-art Bharat Mata were viewed with increasing suspicion and alarm. The presence of yoga guru Ramdev only added to the discomfort of some sections. The eagerness displayed by the BJP to support Anna lent credence to such fears. Says historian and commentator Dilip Simeon, “Why are political forces that despise the basic structure of the Constitution in full cry when it comes to the demand to ‘oppose corruption’? This matter is related to the very meaning of corruption and how it may be combated. Right-wing politics specialises in emotions and symbolism, whereas the left tends to focus on specific demands around social and economic justice. The right has not created this movement, but is jumping onto the bandwagon because it senses power.”

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In Bangalore, shops in the busy Chickpet, Balepet and Avenue Road shut shop in support of Anna Hazare. Interestingly, these areas are controlled by Marwari traders, who form the core constituency of the BJP. Former chief minister B.S. Yediyurappa, who had said he would sit on dharna, finally did not turn up at the venue. Apparently, the BJP high command had advised him against it, given the cloud he is under. His announcement of support was itself seen as an embarrassment. His anticipatory bail applications in two corruption cases will come up for hearing on Friday.

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‘Gandhi’ does his mite for Anna

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Can the movement become bigger?

Yes, it can. Perhaps it’s this potential that has led activists like Medha Patkar and Sandip Pandey to join hands with Anna and his team. “Corruption is just a symbol, a rallying point,” says Arundhati Dhuru, of the National Alliance for People’s Movements. “We must address the cause of corruption too. Land acquisition, tribals, displacement, forceful eviction—these issues need a platform too.” In fact, she fears the movement may turn anti-poor: “The middle class did not raise an eyebrow when 20,000 people were displaced by the Commonwealth Games. Yet, it convulses with rage when the money siphoned off is mentioned.” She also cautions against symbolic participation and urges that people have to become aware of many other causes of corruption. Adds Simeon, “If the agitators refuse to debate what corruption means for poor and deprived Indians, their agitation will become more symbolic, less realistic. Right now, it is about the right to protest. It is easier for the middle class to make a Lokpal Bill the focus of their aspirations than to work for the unionisation of informal workers or the punishment of those who foment communal violence. If these matters were discussed, the symbolism might evaporate.” There were displays of a fascist streak too. Some people wearing Rahul Gandhi masks and nooses around their necks walked about while others symbolically pulled the nooses!

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Photograph by AFP. (From Outlook, August 29, 2011)

The political price

The Congress and the UPA will pay for the manner in which they turned a blind eye to scam after megascam. They will also have to pay for showing deep-rooted intolerance to a democractic protest. While one may argue that the fallout of Anna Hazare’s campaign is still too early to gauge since elections are only in 2014, the government has certainly alienated voters across the class divide. And it has also earned the wrath of young men and women—voters of the future.

By Anuradha Raman with bureau inputs

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