Why Golwalkar Started A Petition To Ban Cow Slaughter
Dismissing the debate over whether or not ancient Hindus ate beef as irrelevant, a reader who goes by the handle Whats InAName succinctly summed up the problems with Madhya Pradesh government's ridiculous ban on cow slaughter in our comments section today:
The state has no business imposing what might be sacred to Hindus (or a section of it) on the rest of the population. The law itself, which allows for police to act on mere suspicion is draconian. And let's not even talk about the state's business to determine the dietary preferences of people, or how it impacts the lifestyle and livelihood of some people.
- From 2003 archives: when the then Madhya Pradesh chief minister Digivjay Singh demanded a countrywide ban on cow-slaughter, an Outlook magazine cover story: The Milky Way
- From 2003 itself, Anita Pratap on the competitive Hindutva politics between the Congress and the BJP: The Cow-Wardly Turn
- And for those who are interested in the history of the debate, in 2002, when five Dalits were lynched for skinning dead cows in Jhajjar, the Outook website carried excerpts from Chapters 11 to 14 of B.R. Ambedkar’s 1948 work The Untouchables: Who Were They and Why They Became Untouchables? which examined, among other things, whether the Hindus Ever Ate Beef
Elsewhere, on the web, blogger Vishy Kuruganti [The Art of Returning to India... and Staying Put...] is reminded of a passage from 'Amul-man' Verghese Kurien's autobiography, I too had a dream which while underlining Mr Kurien's rational approach against any ban on cow-slaughter also brings out that even the RSS ideologue M.S. Golwalkar agreed with him against the Shankaracharya of Puri. It is fascinatng to learn that even Golwalkar did not give a religious but a political reason — to embarrass the government of the day:
In 1967, as Chairman of NDDB, I was asked to be a member of a high-powered committee, set up by the Government of India, to look into cow protection. It was a collection of rather individualistic and interesting personages. Justice Sarkar, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, was appointed its Chairman. Among the other members of this committee were Ashok Mitra, who was then Chairman of the Agricultural Prices Commission, the Shankaracharya of Puri, H.A.B. Parpia, Director of the Central Food Technological Research Institute in Mysore and M.S. Golwalkar ‘Guruji’, the head of the RSS, the organization which had launched the entire cow protection movement.
Incredible as it might seem, this committee met regularly for twelve years. We interviewed scores of experts from all fields to get opinions of all shades on cow slaughter. It was a tedious and time-consuming process. My brief was to prevent any ban on cow slaughter. It was important for us in the dairy business to keep weeding out the unhealthy cows so that available resources could be utilized for healthy and productive cattle. I was prepared to go as far as to allow that no useful cow should be killed. This was the point on which the Shankaracharya and I invariably locked horns and got into heated arguments. I constantly asked him, ‘Your Holiness, are you going to take all the useless cows which are not producing anything and look after them and feed them till they die? You know that cannot work.’ He never had any answer to my query.
For twelve years the Government of India paid the committee members to travel to Delhi and attend the meetings. We continued like this and it was only when Morarji Desai became Prime Minister that I received a little slip of paper, which said, ‘The cow protection committee is hereby abolished.’ We were never even asked to submit a report.
However, one rather unusual and unexpected development during our regular committee meetings was that during that time, Golwalkar and I became close friends. People were absolutely amazed to see that we had become so close that whenever he saw me walk into the room he would rush to embrace me. He would take me aside and try to pacify me after our meetings, ‘Why do you keep losing your temper with the Shankaracharya? I agree with you about him. But don’t let the man rile you. Just ignore him.’
Golwalkar was a very small man — barely five feet — but when he got angry fire spewed out of his eyes. What impressed me most about him was that he was an intensely patriotic Indian. You could argue that he was going about preaching his brand of nationalism in a totally wrong way but nobody could question his sincerity. One day after one of our meetings when he had argued passionately for banning cow slaughter, he came to me and asked, ‘Kurien, shall I tell you why I’m making an issue of this cow slaughter business?’
I said to him, ‘Yes, please explain to me because otherwise you are a very intelligent man. Why are you doing this?’
‘I started a petition to ban cow slaughter actually to embarrass the government,’ he began explaining to me in private. ‘I decided to collect a million signatures for this to submit to the Rashtrapati. In connection with this work I travelled across the country to see how the campaign was progressing. My travels once took me to a village in UP. There I saw in one house, a woman, who having fed and sent off her husband to work and her two children to school, took this petition and went from house to house to collect signatures in that blazing summer sun. I wondered to myself why this woman should take such pains. She was not crazy to be doing this. This is when I realized that the woman was actually doing it for her cow, which was her bread and butter, and I realized how much potential the cow has.
‘Look at what our country has become. What is good is foreign: what is bad is Indian. Who is a good Indian? It’s the fellow who wears a suit and a tie and puts on a hat. Who is a bad Indian? The fellow who wears a dhoti. If this nation does not take pride in what it is and merely imitates other nations, how can it amount to anything? Then I saw that the cow has potential to unify the country – she symbolizes the culture of Bharat. So I tell you what, Kurien, you agree with me to ban cow slaughter on this committee and I promise you, five years from that date, I will have united the country. What I’m trying to tell you is that I’m not a fool, I’m not a fanatic. I’m just cold-blooded about this. I want to use the cow to bring out our Indianness, So please cooperate with me on this.’
Of course neither did I concur with him on this nor did I support his argument for banning cow slaughter on the committee. However, I was convinced that in his own way he was trying to instil a pride across our country about our being Indian. This side of his personality greatly appealed to me. That was the Golwalkar I knew.
Under its new law, a humble head constable upwards, “or any person authorised by a competent authority”, has the power to enter, inspect and search any premises “where he has reason to believe that an offence has been, is being, or is likely to be committed and take necessary action”.
Is likely to be committed? You do not need a particularly fertile imagination to recognise the numerous possibilities in this draconian and insidious provision to harass, intimidate, implicate, detain, arrest or prosecute a targeted section of citizens. In a state where as often as not the police function as the private militia of the Saffron Brotherhood, who is to determine, and on what basis, whether a chunk of meat stored in the fridge or simmering on the burner comes from a buffalo (not prohibited) or from a cow or its progeny?...
Pratap Bhanu Mehta's timeless article, written in 2003 for the Telegraph, when the question of cow-slaughter ban first came up in MP and Digvijay Singh, the then CM of the state, proposed a central ban instead:
We need to make a couple of things gracelessly clear. The fact that the religious sentiments of a community are at stake is not a sufficient argument to squelch the project of creating a free and equal society. If I accept a ban on cow slaughter I will have nothing to say to many members of the Muslim personal law board who continue to appeal to religious sentiments to deny many of their own constituents the right to equal citizenship. I will not be able to say anything when people demand a ban on artistic creativity in the name of community sentiment. I will not be able to say anything to those who resist freedom and equality in the name of identity, ideology or religion. Accepting a ban on cow slaughter is accepting the fact that religious sentiment is sufficient warrant to invoke state power. That is a frightening prospect. Whatever its function as a short term palliative, in the long run it will jeopardize liberty and justice alike.
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