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'Strengthen Parliamentary Democracy'

The PM raises questions, inter alia, about the full-term of the parliament, reverting to simultaneous central and state elections, and takes a characteristic dig at the 'rulers in khaki' who 'have felt the need to seek some kind of democratic legitim

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'Strengthen Parliamentary Democracy'
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Full text of the speech at the International Parliamentary Conference to mark the Golden Jubilee of the Parliament of India 

A great occasion has brought all of us together today. The Golden Jubilee of our Parliament is no doubt a proud event for us in India, for people as well as their elected representatives. However, without sounding immodest, I would like to believe that it is also an important milestone in the onward march of democracy worldwide.

Which is why, the Lok Sabha secretariat has taken the commendable initiative to organize an international conference to mark the occasion. I am indeed heartened by the presence of participants from a large number of countries around the world. In just one Sanskrit word that carries the warm greetings of one billion people of India, I would like to say to our foreign guests: Suswagatam! Welcome!

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Democracy is that system in which there can be opposition without hatred, and power can change hands without resort to violence. It disallows discrimination on any ground. In this sense, democracy has deep roots in India’s national ethos and our ancient culture, which teaches respect for divergent and even dissenting points of view.

Like our Freedom Movement, the birth and evolution of Parliamentary Democracy in India was one of the momentous developments in the history of the world in the 20th century. The Indian mind has cherished Freedom and Democracy as two indivisible ideals. Hence, when one-sixth of humanity walked into freedom with one step in 1947, with the very next step India also strode into Parliamentary democracy. This gave a big fillip to the march of democracy around theworld.

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Just as the international community has cherished India’s successes along the path of democratic development since our Independence, we too have greatly valued the victorious march of democracy around the globe. The closing decades of the last century have seen totalitarian systems collapse. The dogmas that sustained dictatorships of various stripes, and advertised their superiority over democracy in development and human welfare, have crumbled. Coups, bloody power struggles and military take-overs have come to be seen as anathema to the ethos of our times. Even rulers in khaki have felt the need to seek some kind of democraticlegitimacy.

If the 20th century saw the global growth of democracy, the new century should see its further expansion and enrichment. Especially, we should develop democracy as an effective instrument for fulfilling people’s aspirations and resolving conflicts and contentious issues. History has proved time and again that free and democratic societies are the ones that are creative, self-corrective and self-regenerative. The holding of regular elections, the victories and defeats of individuals and parties, and the periodic change of governments have many benefits. These make elected representatives accountable; keep the rulers in check if they develop hunger for power; prevent rigidity in governance; and dislocate social and economic interests that would otherwise get vested.

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At the same time, we cannot overlook the many ways in which the Parliamentary system, including ours, needs to be strengthened. All democracies, especially in developing countries that have considerable diversities and carry the burden of developmental imbalances, have had to grapple with one paramount challenge. And that is: how to harmonise the legitimate self-assertion of communities that suffered deprivation and disempowerment in the past with the imperatives of good governance?

One obvious answer lies in the need to protect and further strengthen the institutions of democracy. Our ancient seers taught a guru mantra: Dharmo Rakshati Rakshitah. Dharma, protected, protects. In the same way, institutions, protected, protect. They can function well only if each of us adheres to the norms that are the essence of each institution. If we adhere to the norms of our institutions, the effectiveness of democracy would go up ten fold, even a hundred fold. If we don’t, it isimperiled.

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There is a second imperative. Our economies are becoming increasingly integrated. The demands of our people are ever more pressing. Thereby governance has become more complex, demanding newer competencies from elected representatives. All parliamentary democracies, therefore, face a common challenge: how are we to ensure that the rough and tumble of electoral politics brings such persons to office who can actually handle the complex tasks of governance?

In a democracy, there are bound to be differences among political parties, and there is bound to be vigorous debate among divergent viewpoints in Parliament. Differences and their well-researched, articulate expression both inside and outside Parliament is the very stuff of democracy. It is what lends vibrancy to democracy. But the vitality of democracy also demands discipline, constructive approach, and a readiness to contribute to consensus-building on pressing issues before the nation -- and adherence to rules. A river flows well only if the banks are sturdy.

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Distinguished delegates, each of us comes from a different version of the Parliamentary system. In that sense, we are the repositories of diverse experiences. Each of our systems has thrown up some particular problem, and each of our countries has devised some particular solution to that particular problem. Together we have a wealth of experience from which to devise solutions to the challenges before us.For instance,

  • Should our Parliaments be allowed to run their full term?

  • Are there ways to ensure stability of governance and policies, while retaining the vibrancy of a multi-party democracy?

  • Today in several of our countries we are kept from taking firm decisions because at all times some election or the other is taking place. Should we, therefore, schedule elections for all tiers simultaneously?

  • Some of our legislatures are not always the fora they should be for deliberating on policy and crafting legislations; can presiding officers do more to ensure that our Houses function efficiently and get more work done?

  • How can Parliamentarians strengthen mutual cooperation in the fight against terrorism and extremism, which have become a big threat to peace, democracy and civilized worldorder?

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I, therefore, suggest that this conference be a beginning. We should make it a practice to meet often – and not only ceremonially. We should meet often and engage in substantive exchanges about our diverse experiences so that all of us together strengthen Parliamentary democracy in each of our countries.

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