National

A Pyrrhic Victory

Ten reasons why Chief Minister B.S.Yeddyurappa is the biggest loser in the recent Karnataka crisis.

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A Pyrrhic Victory
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At the end of the crisis that paralysed the first BJP government in South India for a fortnight, Karnataka chief minister B S Yeddyurappa has managed to keep his chair. But that's about it. How much of the authority that comes with the chair is still with him remains elusive. The CM isn't willing to admit to any of the humiliations he has suffered, nor are the ones who heaped them on him in a canny ambush prepared to draw up an inventory of their gains. We are only left to experience all of it in the days to come. After truce was imposed in Delhi on Sunday, and Yeddyurappa triumphantly raised his hands with Janardhan Reddy before the cameras, he must have sensed the cold clasp. 

Here are ten reasons why Yeddyurappa appears to be the biggest loser in this round of the political game:

1. Because Yeddyurappa is no longer the unquestionable leader of the BJP in Karnataka. This occasion has allowed a fellow Lingayat, swayamsevak and Assembly speaker, Jagadish Shettar, to emerge as an effective alternative. Now, the party need not worry that they would lose the majority Lingayat vote base, which has held them in good stead for a couple of decades, if Yeddyurappa is removed. For the first time Shettar has been able to demonstrate that he has a loyal band of legislators with him; that he too is networked with the all-powerful Lingayat maths (seminaries) and enjoys the confidence of the RSS.

2. Because Yeddyurappa has indirectly helped in the political rehabilitation of H N Ananth Kumar, his bitter rival. With the NDA not coming to power in Delhi and the RSS almost making it clear that he would not be elevated as national president of the party, Ananth virtually had no active engagement. But now, the peace deal he has helped broker will place him in the co-ordination panel that will whet all policy decisions and appointments of the Yeddyurappa government. He can try to be 'Super CM.'

3. Because Yeddyurappa has allowed Reddys to gain legitimacy in the party. They have emerged as a parallel power centre in the state and have drawn national attention to their political skills. They outmanoeuvred the CM camp at every stage. The fact that the national leaders of the BJP engaged them for a fortnight and diligently negotiated with them is itself an achievement for them. All these years they have had the image of renegade miners. That may still stay. But now, they will also be counted as astute politicians. This alteration in their profile is sure to help them in the long run. It was very clear this time that they were not as brash as they were when they had levelled a bribery charge against former chief minister H D Kumaraswamy. At the end, by bowing to the decision of the central leadership, they have shown that they are not out to wreck the saffron party-- they would stay loyal but squeeze it more. 

4. Because Yeddyurappa has been thoroughly exposed. He has been asked to explain his government's corruption; his nepotism; his bad temper; his undemocratic ways; his authoritarianism; his relationships. His own admission that he has not been able to take the people along has put a question mark on his leadership abilities.

5. Because Yeddyurappa, a swayamsevak, was not rescued by the RSS. The RSS did not intervene immediately after the crisis broke. They allowed the man's authority to be questioned and his image to acquire thick stains in public. They perhaps sent messages belatedly to put him on notice and be let off for now. They, of course, wanted to be politically correct and did not want to be seen as yielding to 'unscrupulous' opponents. If the Reddys had allowed Shettar to take charge of their dissident group and if he had led the negotiations, the results perhaps would have been very different. The RSS was very conscious as to who the face of the dissidence was. Credibility does matter and that's a lesson for the Reddys, for the next round. 

6. Because Yeddyurappa realised that he had no moral argument left to be made. Not long ago, he too had partied with the 'ill-gotten' wealth of the Reddys. At least, that was the public perception. People seemed to ask: 'Why ride a tiger that you cannot get off?'

7. Because Yeddyurappa broke down on television. For a good majority of the constituency that sees him as a leader, a man crying is an uncommon event. It is a clear sign of weakness. Leaders for them are supposed to be stoic. Also, the reason why he broke down has not gone down well. He had mumbled that he was extremely pained to drop rural development minister Shobha Karandlaje, his controversial confidante, from the cabinet and V P Baligar, his trusted aide. 

8. Because Yeddyurappa realised that he has very few friends in Delhi. Except for outgoing party president Rajnath Singh, none seem to have taken up his cause as their own. For that matter, sources say Rajnath was firm for his own reasons. 

9. Because Yeddyurappa was seen as holding on to the chair at any cost and with high compromise. When sacrifice is seen as a supreme virtue, the CM, it is perceived went on his knees and that too before the Reddys to save his chair. What if Yeddyurappa had thrown in his resignation the moment there was a murmur of dissent? What if he had taken a high moral ground by saying that he had not come to politics for power? Automatically, there would have been a ground swell of support and sympathy for him. The whole party would have rallied around him to take back his resignation. Reddys and the dissident legislators would have had egg on their face. They perhaps adopted the strategy they finally adopted knowing well Yeddyurappa's attitude to power. There are several instances in recent political history of the power that sacrifice bestows on an individual. Since the saffron party does not like the mention of Sonia Gandhi, let us point to Ramakrishna Hegde, their old ally, who played this sacrifice card to the hilt in the 80s. 

10. Because Yeddyurappa is now all alone, despite being the chief minister.

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