POSTED BY Buzz ON Sep 03, 2014 AT 00:27 IST ,  Edited At: Sep 03, 2014 00:27 IST

The latest issue of RSS mouthpiece shows us how the Sangh thinks the 'Love Jihadis' look like:

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POSTED BY Buzz ON Sep 03, 2014 AT 00:27 IST, Edited At: Sep 03, 2014 00:27 IST
POSTED BY Buzz ON Apr 10, 2014 AT 23:20 IST ,  Edited At: Apr 10, 2014 23:20 IST

Mukul Kesavan in the Telegraph: His Master's Voice

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POSTED BY Buzz ON Apr 10, 2014 AT 23:20 IST, Edited At: Apr 10, 2014 23:20 IST
POSTED BY Buzz ON Aug 12, 2013 AT 21:27 IST ,  Edited At: Aug 12, 2013 21:27 IST

Yesterday, Dr Subramanian Swamy announced the merger of his Janata Party with the Bharatiya Janta Party ahead of the 2014 general elections.

This is what he had to say about the party in 2000 in a signed article in the Frontline: The RSS Gameplan,  which ran with the introduction: A disillusioned and dispirited RSS has set the ball rolling for mid-term general elections in which it hopes that the BJP will gain an absolute majority and implement the Hindutva agenda, and concluded with:

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POSTED BY Buzz ON Aug 12, 2013 AT 21:27 IST, Edited At: Aug 12, 2013 21:27 IST
POSTED BY Buzz ON Jan 03, 2012 AT 21:07 IST ,  Edited At: Jan 03, 2012 21:07 IST

Dismissing the debate over whether or not ancient Hindus ate beef as irrelevant, a reader who goes by the handle Whats InAName succinctly summed up the problems with Madhya Pradesh government's ridiculous ban on cow slaughter in our comments section today:

The state has no business imposing what might be sacred to Hindus (or a section of it) on the rest of the population. The law itself, which allows for police to act on mere suspicion is draconian. And let's not even talk about the state's business to determine the dietary preferences of people, or how it impacts the lifestyle and livelihood of some people.

Also read:

  • From 2003 archives: when the then Madhya Pradesh chief minister Digivjay Singh demanded a countrywide ban on cow-slaughter, an Outlook magazine cover story: The Milky Way
  • From 2003 itself, Anita Pratap on the competitive Hindutva politics between the Congress and the BJP: The Cow-Wardly Turn
  • And for those who are interested in the history of the debate, in 2002, when five Dalits were lynched for skinning dead cows in Jhajjar, the Outook website carried excerpts from Chapters 11 to 14 of B.R. Ambedkar’s 1948 work The Untouchables: Who Were They and Why They Became Untouchables? which examined, among other things, whether the Hindus Ever Ate Beef 

Elsewhere, on the web, blogger Vishy Kuruganti [The Art of Returning to India... and Staying Put...] is reminded of a passage from 'Amul-man' Verghese Kurien's autobiography, I too had a dream which while underlining Mr Kurien's rational approach against any ban on cow-slaughter also brings out that even the RSS ideologue M.S. Golwalkar agreed with him against the Shankaracharya of Puri. It is fascinatng to learn that even Golwalkar did not give a religious but a political reason — to embarrass the government of the day:

In 1967, as Chairman of NDDB, I was asked to be a member of a high-powered committee, set up by the Government of India, to look into cow protection. It was a collection of rather individualistic and interesting personages. Justice Sarkar, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, was appointed its Chairman. Among the other members of this committee were Ashok Mitra, who was then Chairman of the Agricultural Prices Commission, the Shankaracharya of Puri, H.A.B. Parpia, Director of the Central Food Technological Research Institute in Mysore and M.S. Golwalkar ‘Guruji’, the head of the RSS, the organization which had launched the entire cow protection movement.


Incredible as it might seem, this committee met regularly for twelve years. We interviewed scores of experts from all fields to get opinions of all shades on cow slaughter. It was a tedious and time-consuming process. My brief was to prevent any ban on cow slaughter. It was important for us in the dairy business to keep weeding out the unhealthy cows so that available resources could be utilized for healthy and productive cattle. I was prepared to go as far as to allow that no useful cow should be killed. This was the point on which the Shankaracharya and I invariably locked horns and got into heated arguments. I constantly asked him, ‘Your Holiness, are you going to take all the useless cows which are not producing anything and look after them and feed them till they die? You know that cannot work.’ He never had any answer to my query.

For twelve years the Government of India paid the committee members to travel to Delhi and attend the meetings. We continued like this and it was only when Morarji Desai became Prime Minister that I received a little slip of paper, which said, ‘The cow protection committee is hereby abolished.’ We were never even asked to submit a report.

However, one rather unusual and unexpected development during our regular committee meetings was that during that time, Golwalkar and I became close friends. People were absolutely amazed to see that we had become so close that whenever he saw me walk into the room he would rush to embrace me. He would take me aside and try to pacify me after our meetings, ‘Why do you keep losing your temper with the Shankaracharya? I agree with you about him. But don’t let the man rile you. Just ignore him.’

Golwalkar was a very small man — barely five feet — but when he got angry fire spewed out of his eyes. What impressed me most about him was that he was an intensely patriotic Indian. You could argue that he was going about preaching his brand of nationalism in a totally wrong way but nobody could question his sincerity. One day after one of our meetings when he had argued passionately for banning cow slaughter, he came to me and asked, ‘Kurien, shall I tell you why I’m making an issue of this cow slaughter business?’

I said to him, ‘Yes, please explain to me because otherwise you are a very intelligent man. Why are you doing this?’

‘I started a petition to ban cow slaughter actually to embarrass the government,’ he began explaining to me in private. ‘I decided to collect a million signatures for this to submit to the Rashtrapati. In connection with this work I travelled across the country to see how the campaign was progressing. My travels once took me to a village in UP. There I saw in one house, a woman, who having fed and sent off her husband to work and her two children to school, took this petition and went from house to house to collect signatures in that blazing summer sun. I wondered to myself why this woman should take such pains. She was not crazy to be doing this. This is when I realized that the woman was actually doing it for her cow, which was her bread and butter, and I realized how much potential the cow has.

‘Look at what our country has become. What is good is foreign: what is bad is Indian. Who is a good Indian? It’s the fellow who wears a suit and a tie and puts on a hat. Who is a bad Indian? The fellow who wears a dhoti. If this nation does not take pride in what it is and merely imitates other nations, how can it amount to anything? Then I saw that the cow has potential to unify the country – she symbolizes the culture of Bharat. So I tell you what, Kurien, you agree with me to ban cow slaughter on this committee and I promise you, five years from that date, I will have united the country. What I’m trying to tell you is that I’m not a fool, I’m not a fanatic. I’m just cold-blooded about this. I want to use the cow to bring out our Indianness, So please cooperate with me on this.’

Of course neither did I concur with him on this nor did I support his argument for banning cow slaughter on the committee. However, I was convinced that in his own way he was trying to instil a pride across our country about our being Indian. This side of his personality greatly appealed to me. That was the Golwalkar I knew.

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POSTED BY Buzz ON Jan 03, 2012 AT 21:07 IST, Edited At: Jan 03, 2012 21:07 IST
POSTED BY Buzz ON Oct 05, 2011 AT 01:03 IST ,  Edited At: Oct 05, 2011 01:03 IST

Writing in the Hindustan Times, Swapan Dasgupta explains Narendra Modi’s absence from last week’s BJP national executive:

The decision to stay away from last week’s meeting was over an issue that may strike people as very trivial: it was a protest against BJP president Nitin Gadkari’s decision to quietly rehabilitate former organisation secretary Sanjay Joshi. The Modi-Joshi spat dates back to the politics of Gujarat in the mid-1990s when Modi was packed off to Delhi and made to feel unwelcome in his home state, where Joshi ran the organisation. Following Modi’s triumphant return in 2001, Joshi was hastily shifted out of Gujarat, elevated to a national post in Delhi and then abruptly removed in 2006 following an unsavoury sex scandal...

In questioning Joshi’s resumption of an active leadership role in the BJP, Modi was doing more than questioning Gadkari’s judgement. Joshi, after all, wasn’t just any other apparatchik; he was an erstwhile RSS pracharak (full-timer) from Nagpur whose return to political life had been authorised by the RSS top brass. In questioning Joshi’s return, Modi was simultaneously questioning the right of the RSS to decide political appointments in the BJP...

Modi’s open defiance of a RSS whip is calculated to throw Nagpur into a tizzy. There are whispers in the Sangh of the need to prevent Modi from holding a strategic veto. A bitter war of attrition between an over-bearing Parivar and a mass leader could be in the offing, with ominous consequences for the BJP. Modi, after all, is questioning the RSS claim to be more equal than the others.

The conflict is likely to crystallise over the leadership question for the next general election..

Read the full piece at the Hindustan Times: Muscling his way in

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POSTED BY Buzz ON Oct 05, 2011 AT 01:03 IST, Edited At: Oct 05, 2011 01:03 IST
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