It is dusk in Srinagar and the curfew has just been lifted in the old city. We have to step out of the car—any vehicle here is a sure magnet for stone-pelters—and walk the streets of Saraf Kadal. Smashed glass and stones line the pavement, the windows of most houses are now mere skeletons of wood frame and hinges. Men and boys just allowed to step on the roads stare at us with a mix of curiosity and hostility.
It is, however, the CRPF bunker in the distance which is the focus of all eyes. Even as we watch, a young boy runs into the main street, hurls a stone at the CRPF men and disappears into a little lane. Barely a minute later, four more boys, slight of build but serious of intent, materialise from the bylanes, chuck stones and take flight with all the alacrity of youth. The security personnel in helmets and riot gear respond in kind, firing even bigger stones through catapults that are more likely to find their mark. It is these catapults that have smashed the windows.
In mourning... Sara Bano holds a picture of her son Muzaffar Ahmad Batt, who was killed in police firing on July 5
Photograph by Jitender Gupta
This is urban warfare in downtown Srinagar. The young and restless are on the frontline. It has nothing to do with guns and militancy. This is a spontaneous outburst, a renewed call for azadi. What is driving their rage and what is the azadi they speak of? For an eight-year-old boy, wearing a headband screaming ‘Freedom’ and shouting azadi, it is little more than a game. Little Rafiq is more enthusiastic about answering our questions, unlike the older boys and men. What do you mean by azadi, we ask him. “There is no school now and India must go away,” Rafiq answers. So you have azadi from school. “Yes, yes, but we also want the policeman to go away.” His childish responses elicit a smile from us, but there is nothing light-hearted about parents letting their children play a game they can get killed or maimed in.
Death and humiliation can be random in the Valley and it is that which is fuelling the rage of the young Kashmiri. Omar Abdullah, contrary to media perceptions, is not so much the issue in this latest eruption of azadi sentiment. The slogans on the streets are ‘Indian dogs go home’ and ‘Freedom Now’. When massive protests broke out over the Amarnath land transfer issue in 2008, some slogans were in favour of the Lashkar-e-Toiba; yet others supported Pakistan. There was a subtle but unmistakable Islamic articulation. That has changed. Now it’s just about Indian oppression and azadi. Faheen, who teaches journalism at the Kashmir University, says it’s the Indian media that has made the entire narrative revolve around Omar Abdullah’s success or failure. “Had Mehbooba or Ghulam Nabi or anyone been here, the same thing would have erupted. Periods of peace in Kashmir are enforced periods of silence. Indians don’t like to hear it, but it is brute force that keeps Kashmir with India,” he says.
Youth strolling near the Dal lake (Photograph by Jitender Gupta)
You could well wonder why 23-year-old Rashid, hailing from a well-to-do Srinagar family and having spent two-and-a-half years working at a call centre in Gurgaon, would join the protest. “I had fun in Delhi,” he says, clad in Nike shoes and Adidas handbands, and donning a scarf on his face with practised ease before being photographed. “But I am sick of being stopped on my bike in Srinagar and being asked to show my ID card.” His friends and fellow stone-pelters join in to ask us if anyone shoots at the protesters when there is an all-India bandh. Why do Kashmiris get shot at when they have given up the gun? “Why bring the army here to fight civilians whose only weapons now are stones when you hesitate to do so in Chhattisgarh where entire companies of CRPF men are blown up? Is it because New Delhi thinks that Kashmiris are not part of India?” The random death of 16 civilians at the hands of CRPF and police personnel has reopened all the old wounds in one of the most heavily militarised zones in the world.
Unlike the army jawans, CRPF personnel are chatty. It is mid-afternoon in Khanyar, in old Srinagar. Four CRPF jawans stand on one side of the road, while some Kashmiri youth loiter on the other side eating mangoes. Graffiti on the street screams ‘Indian dogs go home’. A jawan munching on an apple jokes with the Kashmiris: “We are eating your fruit.” The Kashmiris laugh and walk away. But S.S. Yadav of the CRPF is not fooled; they will be back with stones in an hour, he says. At the martyrs’ graveyard, another CRPF man complains of a 14-hour shift wearing a heavy bullet-proof jacket. “Elsewhere in India, entire companies of ours are getting blown up, here too we are getting beaten with stones,” he says. As the Outlook team displays a pass to get into the old town during curfew hour, another CRPF jawan from Bihar jokes—“You are pass, we are all fail.”
Children raising slogans
(Photograph by Jitender Gupta)
It is easy for the non-Kashmiri to banter with the men in uniform but there is nothing humorous about an entire population being at their mercy. With so many soldiers and police present, things go horribly wrong at times. Like on July 6, when Faiyaz Ahmad Wani, a government employee at the floriculture department, got hit by a stray bullet while on his way to work. His wife Parveen, holding their two little girls close to her, can only despair at this cruel repeat of history. Her weeping mother tells us that Parveen’s father too died from a random bullet in 1990. On July 6 itself, young Fancy too was hit by a bullet the police fired in the air. She just happened to be leaning out of the window of her house in Srinagar to see the protest. But the police is not filing firs in these cases. And it’s not just ordinary folk. On July 2, CRPF personnel manhandled a judge, damaged his car with rifle butts and injured his security officer but the police refused to file an fir later saying they were not aware of any CRPF movement in that area.
Indeed, democracy appears a farce in a theatre like Kashmir where the armed forces call the shots and New Delhi pulls the strings. Senior Congress leader Saifuddin Soz says the government’s priority should be to train the J&K police. “I believe we should suspend all development and raise 15 new battalions of well-trained police so that we don’t have mishaps. Because the reality is that those who say we can live without the CRPF and the army are living in a fool’s paradise.”
Young Kashmiri boys walking on Lal Chowk: Heart of Srinagar
(Photograph by Jitender Gupta)
Paradise has long been lost in Kashmir. Dr Arshad Hussain, a psychiatrist at the only government mental health facility in the state, says the hospital got 1,700 patients when militancy began 20 years ago. In the past year alone, one lakh visited. It is estimated that 17 per cent of the population suffers from post-traumatic stress disorder. “When you take away young kids from parents, they can’t be without mental health problems,” says Dr Hussain. “Suicides were unheard of in the Valley—the Kashmiri language has no word for suicide—but now they’re routine.” Reluctant to over-psychologise the children’s behaviour, he believes it clearly emerges from the socio-political environment. “If you want to modify the youngsters and children’s behaviour, you give them open space, give them alternatives; you certainly don’t give them a thought police. In Kashmir, on the contrary, they live in a virtual police state.”
Later that day in Srinagar, we find about 300 teenagers in an open field playing football. But they are reluctant to talk to what they call “the Indian media”. “We will be photographed and picked up,” a young man says. “You could be an Indian agent or a police informer,” another man explains politely.
It’s a warped reality the Kashmiris find themselves in. A young government employee explains the mindset. “There is a collective psyche in India that believes you should hang Afzal Guru. The collective psyche in Kashmir believes India does not care and has trampled over us. We either see Indian security forces or Indian TV channels that ignore us or distort our news. Add to that, high unemployment figures, corruption of elected politicians and you have great disenchantment.” Dr Shad Salim, the Valley’s top cancer specialist, says when militancy ended, they thought the azadi sentiment too would die and the next generation would buy Bollywood movies and pop culture. “But here we are, the burning desire for freedom intact,” he says.
All rice Locals collect their foodgrain quota after a 20-day gap
(Photograph by Jitender Gupta)
Mirwaiz Umer Farooq, deemed the most moderate Hurriyat leader who made several attempts to talk to New Delhi, now says the disenchantment is total. “Till 2007, we had some hope and went to talk to Delhi,” he says. “Now we have realised they don’t want to address the problem, they want to buy time. First they said guns came from Pakistan. Will they now say that the stones come from Pakistan too?” Given the current mood and the politics within the Hurriyat, it will be difficult even for the Mirwaiz to engage in any dialogue now. In this paradise lost, complete freedom is the perfect dream. But what could cool tempers is a movement towards soft borders, greater autonomy and removal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. The trigger for protest would wane if the Kashmiris did not have to suffer daily humiliations. If people felt that New Delhi really cared to address their concerns, the rage would not be so potent. Right now, it is a helpless anger. Freedom is just another word for nothing left to lose.
By Saba Naqvi in Srinagar with Showkat A. Motta
Over the years, Outlook’s done a number of Kashmir cover stories on the azadi issue and New Delhi’s high-handedness (Writing on the Menhir, Jul 26). And they have invariably been supported by one survey or the other. This story also has one based on a telephonic response of 240 people. How did the agency mdra design the questionnaire? How do you define “neglect of state” and “general frustration”? Does the question “How long do you think the current strife will continue?” have any relevance? Can it be answered by anyone without having certain designs in mind? Lastly, in the diary, Mr Mehta feels azadi should be given if the protesters want it so desperately. Yes, in a democracy this is a valid point. However, can a secular country bow to every demand of azadi made on the basis of religion? R.K. Sudan, Jammu
If India indeed cares about Kashmiris (read mostly Muslims) equal in measure to the rest of Indians (read mostly Hindus), this is the time to show it. Kashmiris don’t need azadi from India, they need azadi from Indian oppression; they need azadi from India’s indifference towards their trepidations; they need azadi from the utterly ineffective state/central governments. G.S. Multani, Bangalore
We have seen bigger azadi rants during the Mufti kidnapping in 1989. Then too our media had almost given away Kashmir to the terrorists, saying there’s complete alienation. This war with stones is a new ruse to bend Indian resolve. B.V. Shenoy, Bangalore
Give them azadi, they’ll soon lose it anyway to the LeT or the terror-mongering Pakis. Let them brew in their own stew. Prasanth, Melbourne
India should treat Kashmir like any other state; the problem will automatically get solved. Life has to get back to normal there like any other place. Vibhaas, Doha
The might of the Indian state will overcome the Kashmiri insurgency too. Things looked bad in the Northeast, Punjab sometime back, but ultimately the uprisings were put down. Rajiv Chopra, Jammu
The Kashmir issue really is this: Can Islam be the basis for ‘national’ enclaves? In which case, any ideological grouping (Christians, Naxals, Harijans, Brahmins, Communists etc) may use acts of violence to demand similar concessions. Ashok M., Malaysia
The stone-pelters must be punished. If provocation begets firing, and people die, haven’t they literally asked for it? Jairaj Yadav, Hyderabad
This is not expected from the world’s largest democracy. Umran Chowdhury, Dhaka
It’s incredible that such a tiny place with so few people can bleed India for so long. Murtuza Polen, New York
Apropos of Writing on the Menhir (Jul 26), Kashmir has got assistance of more than Rs 1 lakh crore since militancy started there. Despite that, the state lacks in infrastructure and job opportunities. Where has the money gone?
You cite the humiliation of the Kashmiris as the reason for the current unrest in Kashmir (Writing on the Menhir, Jul 26). But what about the daily humiliations the army suffers in the Valley? Back in 1968, our battalion was in transit from a field area to a peace station and stayed overnight at a Srinagar army transit camp. A few of us went for a movie wearing our uniforms. When we asked the manager for tickets, he said it was housefull even though we could see the hall was half empty. When we reminded the manager of that, he told us point blank, “There are no tickets for the Indian army.” This happened some four decades back but things don’t seem to have changed much even today.
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
We at Outlookindia.com welcome feedback and your comments, including scathing criticism
1. Scathing, passionate, even angry critiques are welcome, but please do not indulge in abuse and invective. Our Primary concern is to keep the debate civil. We urge our users to try and express their disagreements without being disagreeable. Personal attacks are not welcome. No ad hominem please.
2. Please do not post the same message again and again in the same or different threads
3. Please keep your responses confined to the subject matter of the article you are responding to. Please note that our comments section is not a general free-for-all but for feedback to articles/blogs posted on the site
4. Our endeavour is to keep these forums unmoderated and unexpurgated. But if any of the above three conditions are violated, we reserve the right to delete any comment that we deem objectionable and also to withdraw posting privileges from the abuser. Please also note that hate-speech is punishable by law and in extreme circumstances, we may be forced to take legal action by tracing the IP addresses of the poster.
5. If someone is being abusive or personal, or generally being a troll or a flame-baiter, please do not descend to their level. The best response to such posters is to ignore them and send us a message at Mail AT outlookindia DOT com with the subject header COMPLAINT
6. Please do not copy and paste copyrighted material. If you do think that an article elsewhere has relevance to the point you wish to make, please only quote what is considered fair-use and provide a link to the article under question.
7. There is no particular outlookindia.com line on any subject. The views expressed in our opinion section are those of the author concerned and not that of all of outlookindia.com or all its authors.
8. Please also note that you are solely responsible for the comments posted by you on the site. The comments could be deleted or edited entirely at our discretion if we find them objectionable. However, the mere fact of their existence on our site does not mean that we necessarily approve of their contents. In short, the onus of responsibility for the comments remains solely with the authors thereof. Outlookindia.com or any of its group publications, may, however, retains the right to publish any of these comments, with or without editing, in any medium whatsoever. It is therefore in your own interest to be careful before posting.
9.Outlookindia.com is not responsible in any manner whatsoever for how any search engine -- such as Google, Bing etc -- caches or displays these comments. Please note that you are solely responsible for posting these comments and it is a privilege being granted to our registered users which can be withdrawn in case of abuse. To reiterate:
a. Comments once posted can only be deleted at the discretion of outlookindia.com
b. The comments reflect the views of the authors and not of outlookindia.com
c. outlookindia.com is not responsible in any manner whatsoever for the way search engines cache or display these comments
d. Please therefore take due caution before you post any comments as your words could potentially be used against you
10. We have an online thread for our comments policy:
You are welcome to post your suggestions here or in case you have a specific issue, to directly email us at Mail AT outlookindia DOT com with the subject header COMPLAINT