The 15-storey building near Nataraj Talkies in the Rathyatra locality of Varanasi is easy to spot from a distance. It’s the tallest building here, with huge glass windows and in a very modest neighbourhood. As one approaches the gate, overcrowded suvs race in and out with saffron-wrapped men straining inside. Step inside and the building is milling with serious-looking faces. Saffron, though, remains the dominant colour. Headgear and clothes apart, there are saffron and green BJP flags and banners announcing the imminent arrival of good times. Every now and then, an impromptu ‘Abki baar, Modi sarkar’ reverberates across the rooms as the faithful sit around, jostling for space under whirring fans and in the open verandah. Further inside are the AC rooms where the local and national netas are busy brainstorming. Welcome to Seva Ashram, Narendra Damodardas Modi’s election office in the holy city.
When Outlook reaches at 10 in the morning, several meetings are already on. There’s the local Varanasi campaign to be taken care of, then there’s Modi’s rallies across Uttar Pradesh scheduled for the next few days and also the persistent media to be attended to. Through all of this, some of the party’s better-known TV faces dart in and out, instructing cadre on what next to be done. Eastern UP is to vote in the last leg of the polls. And the BJP and its enthusiastic cadre has its task cut out: maintaining a fever-pitch campaign in Poorvanchal which is banking solely on Modi’s mojo and might. Outside on the streets of the temple town, a bunch of young abvp men on motorcycles hold their own roadshow, shouting hopeful slogans of “Modi aane wala hai”. As if inspired by this, just outside the Kashi Vishwanath temple, in one of the myriad bylanes leading into the centuries-old Shiv temple, Dashrath, 10, tries jamming to the chorus of Har Har Mahadevs emanating from the throng of temple devotees with his own “Modi, Modi ghar ghar Modi.” Meet his eye and Dashrath blurts out, “TV pe dekha tha (saw the slogan on TV).”
Dashrath’s admission is a common refrain throughout the poor, dusty, undeveloped terrain of Poorvanchal, from Lucknow to Azamgarh and back. Driving through Gonda, Bahraich, Faizabad, Gorakhpur, Deoria, Ballia, Jaunpur, Machlishehar, Lalganj and more, where the lack of bijli is compensated by the ubiquitous diesel gensets, Modi and his “Gujarat model” is the topic at most informal election chats at chai shops and local nukkads. The BJP’s prime ministerial candidate is perhaps the most watched politician in the villages dotting the highway, not because he has a huge fan following in these parts but because, as one villager puts it, “you can’t escape him, he’s everywhere, on TV and local newspapers”. Perhaps why several of those who travel long distances to attend Modi’s rallies say they are there not to hear Modi but to catch a glimpse of him. At Gonda, deep in the hinterland, 80-year-old Ram Tirath tells us, “Dekhne aaye thhe. Jaun gaon mein Modi aaya, woh gaon pavitra hoi gawaa (I came to see him. Whichever village Modi has been to, has been purified).”
This is the kind of sentiment that’s helped the BJP propel itself from a so-not-in-the-reckoning-party in UP (just 10 LS seats out of 80 in ’09) to one that’s at least in the contest in every constituency in the state. Modi has successfully managed to do what his candidature from Varanasi was supposed to do for his party in Poorvanchal: make the BJP the reference point in the Hindi hinterland this election. At the several chai stops that Outlook makes through our 1,600-kilometre journey through eastern UP, villagers veer the conversation towards promises that Modi seems to be making from faraway national stages. The hunger for development is enormous and eastern UP too is now beginning to demand it. Modi is positioning himself as the man who can deliver on that promise of development. For a neglected electorate, it’s just what they want to hear.
This is a contest, some would say, between the BJP on one side and the other parties—SP, BSP and the Congress—on the other. In Poorvanchal, where basic amenities like drinking water and uninterrupted electricity are still a dream, Modi is the merchant selling a tailormade one for every individual fit. He caters to everybody. So to the youth gathered for his rally in Gonda, he promises jobs, for the over one lakh-strong crowd in Amethi, bussed in by the BJP official machinery from Pratapgarh, Lucknow, Rae Bareli and Kanpur, Modi offers “overnight development”. In between, he throws a good amount of rhetoric attacking both Sonia and Rahul with references of “maa-bete ki sarkar” and Mulayam and Akhilesh Yadav with references to the “baap-bete ki sarkar”. Modi talks doom and hope at the same time, illustrating the doom brought upon the electorate by the parties in power and the hope his party’s election to power promises.
Is it any wonder then that Modi’s rabble-rousing is keenly followed by villagers on TV, and that his adversaries have made him the central context of their speeches. In UP it’s not just the Gandhis throwing barbs at Modi but even BSP leader Mayawati and also chief minister Akhilesh Yadav. At Khalilabad, UP chief minister Akhilesh Yadav calls Modi the “Model of Dividing India”. He promptly adds to rousing cheers that the SP has a large number of wrestlers to take on Modi’s “chhappan inch ki chhaati”.
Masks On: Supporters throng the Shailputri temple in Varanasi to offer prayers for Modi
It probably works as a clever one-liner, but there’s no denying that in Poorvanchal Modi’s ‘media presence’ has made it a tough contest for the BSP and the SP. While the beleaguered Congress finds little space in the race, Poorvanchal is debating why it should vote for either the SP or the BSP. Experts suggest the BSP is losing its hold on its flock with as much as 9 per cent of the SCs drifting to the BJP. A pollster said, “The better-placed Dalits want to move to the BJP because they see a better chance there. After the Muzaffarnagar riots, Mayawati couldn’t side with either the Muslims or the Jats because of political compulsions. The result is that the Muslims have deserted her.”
Which is also for very different reasons why Lucknow-based political commentator Prof Sudhir Panwar believes the Muslims will stick with the SP this election. Panwar explains, “The people’s disillusionment with the governments of the day is leading to some kind of comfort in Modi which has parts of the Dalit community shifting to the BJP. However, the pro-Modi sentiment has also led to reverse religious polarisation in the state, which is why the Muslims will support Mulayam Singh.” He adds that “the Muslim support for Mulayam is a positive vote. It is an anti-BJP vote and a vote for the SP’s pro-Muslim policies. At any cost, the Muslims will want to maintain their position in the UP government and therefore will continue to support SP”.
While that may be good news for the SP, all’s not quiet on the eastern front for Mulayam and son. In village after village, the Yadavs complain about the “pro- Muslim policies” and the “overt Muslim appeasement”. Dharmendra Yadav, 35, tells Outlook at Shankarpur village, "The Yadavs stood by Netaji all these years. Yet he sees nothing beyond one community. Why should we vote for him now?” Panwar says that “a large chunk of the Yadavs are unhappy with the government’s attention to the Muslims. They will break away”. Mulayam’s loss then is the BJP’s gain. In the Machiavellian caste politics of Uttar Pradesh, western UP’s riots of September 2013 have had a resonance in the east as well. In Poorvanchal, despite its distance from the west, one gets a clear sense of religious polarisation. It’s a me-versus-you battle and with political parties stoking emotions, the divide seems deep and defined.
Not just that, trouble for Mulayam also stems from the farmer lobby. From Gonda to Jaunpur, farmers complain of not being paid for their produce by the Akhilesh government since January ’14. The few who were paid complain about the reduced prices the government offered, causing them huge losses. Clearly, for the farmers, a personal monetary loss is directly proportional to a political electoral deduction. For the SP, it should mean a loss of clout and more.
No wonder then that Modi’s campaign in UP gains strength from that formidable combination—dharma and development. As Modi spins development dreams for all in UP, the bonus for the parties comes from the post-riots polarisation. Somewhere in between, Poorvanchal furiously debates the status quo, demanding that partisan politics be replaced by performance. In eastern UP, the wait really is for the sun to rise at last.
Apropos the article Where does the Purification Begin? (May 19), Modi’s development talk went straight to the aam aadmi’s heart and mind. The poll fight was also a case of Modi’s BJP vs the rest cobbled together. As it was the last leg of campaigning, Modi never looked tired. His rallies attracted and impressed many and were huge hits.
B.G. Subhash, Bangalore
The article captured the political pulse not only of Poorvanchal but of entire UP. The population is vertically divided on religion, and the BJP proved to be a definite gainer. And Modi’s all-pervasive presence in the media had given him a big headstart over the others.
Sukhwinder Singh, Yamuna Nagar
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
There are two important points here.One Development talk of Modi went straight to aam aadmi`s heart and mind of Purvanchal. Modi effectively captured aam aadmi`s mind & heart share as distinctly different in approach from that of AAP/Kejriwal. Second one was that it was Modi vs the rest all cobbled up together. It was a mighty fight. Modi never looked afraid or tired as it was his last leg. His speeches were a hit at all venues. It will be interesting to watch with what margin Modi will register his win.All in all it was mightely impressive show!
The article captured the political pulse of not only poorvanchal but the entire U.P.The poulation is verically divided on religion and the BJP is a definite gainer.Modi's presence in media made him 'hero' in villages,chai shop and nukkad where author might have interacted.The lively description of 15 storey Natraja building is a symbol of BJP resources and might.The concluding lines that eastern U.P still wait for 'sun to rise' matter most due to its backwardness and neglect which I know being the native.
UP as a state, the Muslims as a community, are both not far short of 200 million people. Bringing them within the fold of development, out of the thrall of identity politics, the divisions and fears of caste and religion, will truly make India shine.
>>>Perhaps this is the reason for the wretched state in eastern up!
We at Outlookindia.com welcome feedback and your comments, including scathing criticism
1. Scathing, passionate, even angry critiques are welcome, but please do not indulge in abuse and invective. Our Primary concern is to keep the debate civil. We urge our users to try and express their disagreements without being disagreeable. Personal attacks are not welcome. No ad hominem please.
2. Please do not post the same message again and again in the same or different threads
3. Please keep your responses confined to the subject matter of the article you are responding to. Please note that our comments section is not a general free-for-all but for feedback to articles/blogs posted on the site
4. Our endeavour is to keep these forums unmoderated and unexpurgated. But if any of the above three conditions are violated, we reserve the right to delete any comment that we deem objectionable and also to withdraw posting privileges from the abuser. Please also note that hate-speech is punishable by law and in extreme circumstances, we may be forced to take legal action by tracing the IP addresses of the poster.
5. If someone is being abusive or personal, or generally being a troll or a flame-baiter, please do not descend to their level. The best response to such posters is to ignore them and send us a message at Mail AT outlookindia DOT com with the subject header COMPLAINT
6. Please do not copy and paste copyrighted material. If you do think that an article elsewhere has relevance to the point you wish to make, please only quote what is considered fair-use and provide a link to the article under question.
7. There is no particular outlookindia.com line on any subject. The views expressed in our opinion section are those of the author concerned and not that of all of outlookindia.com or all its authors.
8. Please also note that you are solely responsible for the comments posted by you on the site. The comments could be deleted or edited entirely at our discretion if we find them objectionable. However, the mere fact of their existence on our site does not mean that we necessarily approve of their contents. In short, the onus of responsibility for the comments remains solely with the authors thereof. Outlookindia.com or any of its group publications, may, however, retains the right to publish any of these comments, with or without editing, in any medium whatsoever. It is therefore in your own interest to be careful before posting.
9.Outlookindia.com is not responsible in any manner whatsoever for how any search engine -- such as Google, Bing etc -- caches or displays these comments. Please note that you are solely responsible for posting these comments and it is a privilege being granted to our registered users which can be withdrawn in case of abuse. To reiterate:
a. Comments once posted can only be deleted at the discretion of outlookindia.com
b. The comments reflect the views of the authors and not of outlookindia.com
c. outlookindia.com is not responsible in any manner whatsoever for the way search engines cache or display these comments
d. Please therefore take due caution before you post any comments as your words could potentially be used against you
10. We have an online thread for our comments policy:
You are welcome to post your suggestions here or in case you have a specific issue, to directly email us at Mail AT outlookindia DOT com with the subject header COMPLAINT