Can BCCI Be Under RTI?
The cold fingers of accountability, loved best when others are subject to its minatory touch, are closing in on the Indian cricket board (BCCI). The shroud of secrecy that covers the operations of Indian cricket is being slowly pulled off, state unit by state unit, by the Right to Information (RTI) Act, with help from the courts. Officials of the Kerala Cricket Association have been designated “public servants” as defined under the Prevention of Corruption Act. And the Punjab Cricket Association (PCA) has been brought under the ambit of the RTI Act.
The BCCI, which has resisted accountability for long—and invited ridicule when it said the Indian team was not an Indian team but a BCCI team—could now be made to bow to the reigning spirit of the day and age—the pursuit of transparency and accountability.
The Central Information Commission (CIC), which once ruled in the past that the BCCI is not covered by the RTI Act, is again going to adjudicate on the issue on October 4. The verdict could be different this time. Apart from the fact that transparency is the catchphrase of the day, this belief is based on the judgement given by the same CIC on the status of Delhi Public School, Rohini, Delhi.
In that decision, the CIC ruled that the school “fulfils the essential elements of being a private, aided school which is substantially financed by the government”. It added that “6,000 sq m of land has been given to the school at a concessional rate of Rs 65 lakh per acre and 10,000 sq m of land at a highly subsidised nominal ground rent of Rs 10 per annum by the DDA”.
The BCCI and its affiliates, of course, are sitting on a much larger landmass. No exact figures are available, but conservative estimates of the land provided to them at highly subsidised rates, often in prime locations, for stadiums and training facilities, would still run into thousands of crores. “There are over 30 associations of the BCCI, and several states have more than one ground,” says activist-lawyer Rahul Mehra, who has been following up on the issue, at the BCCI’s heels, for several years. “It could be a 15-acre piece of land like the Ferozeshah Kotla in Delhi, in the heart of the city...which would be worth Rs 700-1,000 crore. There would be larger or smaller pieces of land given at very low rates. I estimate that all of it would be worth at least Rs 30,000 crore, and that would be a conservative estimate.” The PCA stadium in Mohali was financed largely by public funding. The 13.56 acres of land in Sector 63 of Mohali that it stands on would be worth thousands of crores. But the PCA was provided the land at a lease of Rs 100 per acre per annum, for 99 years. For the construction of the stadium and the clubhouse, a total of Rs 11.07 crore was received in grants—Rs 10.15 crore from the Punjab Urban Development Authority, Rs 15 lakh from Punjab Sports Council and Rs 77 lakh from Punjab Small Savings.
Similarly, the land on which the Ferozeshah Kotla Stadium stands has been granted to the Delhi and District Cricket Association on a perpetual lease for Rs 27,800 per acre per annum. The pattern holds all over India: for instance, the land for the Chinnaswamy Stadium in Bangalore is leased to the Karnataka State Cricket Association at Rs 1,000 per acre per annum.
These are the more tangible aspects of the funding/subsidies provided by the state to the BCCI and its constituents—there are other aspects that would attract the attention of the CIC and the courts, like the security provided for all India matches, which is generally taken for granted as the duty of the state. “If they hire four or five security officers for five-six days, or for 20 days for just one ground during the IPL, the cost would run into lakhs,” says Mehra. “And here the state is providing 5,000 or 10,000 security personnel to man the entire stadium! Yet they claim to be a private body—if that’s so, pay for it! Even if you count only Mohali, the PCA owes Rs 12.5 crore to Punjab Police for the security provided in two years.”
Mehra also cites the various tax exemptions that the BCCI enjoys—income tax, entertainment tax, service tax, excise duty exemptions. “These exemptions would, again, run into tens of hundreds of crores,” he says. “For the last two years only, the BCCI has to pay an outstanding of Rs 400 crore in taxes, which they are now contesting.”
Worse, says Mehra, the BCCI doesn’t care for the key stakeholder, the fan. Most stadiums have very few facilities for fans, who are the source of revenues—the TV rights and sponsorship fees are so high only because of the public. “And you (BCCI) don’t want to be transparent to the Indian public, because of whom you’re making so much money?” Mehra asks. “How can you justify that?”
Three years ago, the State Information Commission of Punjab had ruled that the PCA was a public authority; the PCA duly challenged this in the Punjab & Haryana High Court, which ruled that financial assistance given to the PCA, including grant of land at concessional rates, is substantial enough for it to be a “public authority” as envisaged in Section 2(h) of the RTI Act.
Justice Mehinder Singh Sullar, who ruled the PCA to be a public authority in May this year, had very clear and definite ideas about the description: funding that’s not small enough to be ignored. “Wherever public funds are provided, the word ‘substantially financed’ cannot possibly be interpreted in narrow and limited terms of mathematical calculation and percentage,” he noted. “Wherever public funds are provided, the word ‘substantial’ has to be construed in contradistinction to the word ‘trivial’ and where the funding is not trivial to be ignored as pittance, then to me, the same would amount to substantial funding coming from the public funds.”
Not only this, the Punjab State Information Commission also ruled in May that Fortis Hospital in Mohali was also to be subject to the RTI regime as the land provided for its construction was at concessional rates. “It has been ruled a public authority despite the fact that the hospital is a completely private organisation, and it doesn’t even perform any public function—which the BCCI does perform,” says Mehra, arguing that the reasons to designate the BCCI a public authority are much more compelling.
The BCCI president, N. Srinivasan, did not respond to Outlook’s requests for his comments, but a senior board official said: “We have been judged to be not covered by the RTI and we’re confident that that decision would stand.” This desire to remain unexamined isn’t peculiar to them. Gandhi says: “Naturally, they don’t want to be covered by the RTI. Everyone likes the RTI to apply to the other person, never to oneself.”
Mehra contends the BCCI has been given a monopoly by the state to develop the game in India—as the Indian Cricket League wasn’t allowed to break into it. He says the biggest thing is not even the money—it’s the honour of selecting a team to represent the country. It was on his petition that the Delhi High Court observed in 2004: “...an inexplicable argument was advanced on behalf of the BCCI that, in point of fact, the Indian team is not a national side in the sense of having the sanction of the government, but a side picked by the BCCI amongst Indian players.” Similarly inexplicable is the BCCI’s efforts to avoid transparency in its functioning. The winds of discontent blowing since the summer of Anna Hazare’s protests could swiftly dismantle their case.
The BCCI (We’d like to see the Score, Oct 10) is being childish offering all these illogical excuses to escape the rti dragnet. If not directly, they are as much subsidised by the state and the people.
Ranjit Sinha, Calcutta
The BCCI makes money because of the fans. Excuse me, but the nation has a right to know.
Rajnish A., Jeypore, Orissa
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
BCCI at least performs, and releases annual balance sheet and financial statements, wonder what government of India would do with the Hockey foundation.. Stop interfering you morons and start doing what you are supposed to do, that is, build a culture for sports ...
In India, cricket is run like a profit making business, hence there may be many business secrets in it.
If it is brought under RTI act , it will bring accountability in running of its affairs, but though may surely dent its profits.
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