Why Varun Gandhi may have fallen out of favour
A little over 10 years ago, Feroze Varun Gandhi, then aged 24, was inducted into the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). This was considered a coup. For this was the son of Sanjay Gandhi, whom the BJP had fiercely opposed during the Emergency. Not only was Varun a prize catch for being the son of a long deceased foe, he was a wicket down for the Nehru-Gandhi family. His mother Maneka Gandhi had joined the BJP before him, but nevertheless, his signing up shattered once again the public notion associating the Nehru-Gandhi family exclusively with the Congress. A Gandhi had donned saffron.
In the decade since, Varun rose to become one of the youngest general secretaries of the party. Successive party presidents displayed faith in him and entrusted him with important tasks. In fact, till quite recently, it was expected that the party would require Varun to take centrestage in Uttar Pradesh, from where he is an MP. But last week, he found himself hung out to dry. When the new BJP president Amit Shah announced his team on August 16, Varun was unceremoniously stripped of the general secretary’s post; not only that, he wasn’t assigned any important role.
The new dispensation seems in no mood to indulge his contumely and wilfulness, which had been particularly on display during the Lok Sabha election campaign. “Varun’s worst problem,” a senior party leader says, “is that he behaves as if he is above the party.” The party president, he says, is unhappy with Varun’s work and worried about his high-handedness and hauteur. What is more, Varun is now said to not connect well with people, even in his own constituency. One Union minister was heard mocking Varun’s fall with “the Gandhis might be a compulsion for the Congress, but not for the BJP”. For the record, BJP secretary Siddhartha Nath Singh does not blame anything on Varun and says, “There are many opportunities in the party and in the government. I’m sure the party will look at his calibre and locate him accordingly.”
February 2004 Photograph by AFP, From Outlook 1 September 2014
The worst affront Varun dealt to Modi, perhaps, was as in-charge of the party campaign in West Bengal. As the party laboured to create the impression that Modi’s rally in the state had been hugely successful and well-attended, Varun went around telling reporters there was nothing exceptional about the rally. Says a source in the party, “We’ve had enough of his tantrums. Going by what he was doing, he might as well have started a party of his own. In Uttar Pradesh, he threatens local workers, listens to no one in authority, does not follow rules laid down by the party. He even began campaigning for himself in Sultanpur much before the party declared its list of candidates for Uttar Pradesh.”
No wonder the new dispensation was only further miffed when Maneka Gandhi started making noises about Varun being the most appropriate chief ministerial candidate for Uttar Pradesh. Far from being chief ministerial material, Varun had reportedly alienated grassroots workers in the state, organising parallel rallies of his own and defying party diktats.
Evidently, complaints against Varun had been mounting with senior party leaders over the recent past. There was little that even former party presidents Rajnath Singh and Nitin Gadkari, who are inclined to be sympathetic to Varun, could do to help. “There was an urgent need to discipline Varun, and what has happened to him is only the just reward for his indiscipline,” says a source. “The only two things that pay in the BJP today are loyalty and discipline. Varun seems to have lost both.”
Ironic as it may be, five years back, in 2009, during a previous election campaign, Varun’s alleged anti-minority speech at a Pilibhit rally—in which he threatened violence against Muslims—had won him the trust of the Sangh parivar. Outrageously virulent, the comments ensured that never could anyone question his Hindutva leanings. In fact, post the comments, sources confirm, Varun had particularly endeared himself to former RSS chief K.S. Sudarshan. Varun, back then, seemed firmly entrenched within both Sangh parivar circles and the BJP dispensation. Politics, however, has a tendency of blunting affections and favour, as Varun may have realised now. His hubris too, it might be said, contributed greatly to his downfall.
In February 2004, Varun had found an enviable entry into the BJP. Hours before then president Venkaiah Naidu announced Varun’s induction into the party, Atal Behari Vajpayee had generously posed with him and Maneka for the shutterbugs. Saffron ideologues who had so far dubbed Sanjay as the architect of the Emergency, the darkest period of Indian democracy, were not just willing to forget for a while their opposition to Sanjay but were even enthusiastic to welcome Sanjay’s son into the bhagwa fold with open arms. A decade later, the charmed existence of the youngest politician of the Gandhi family seems to be fraying. In many ways, Varun has run a full circle, from being first among equals in the BJP to one among several.
By Prarthna Gahilote in Mumbai
In dropping from his squad the virulently communal Varun Gandhi, BJP president Amit Shah has sent out a message to the youngsters to be disciplined (The Tumble Down G, Sep 1). At the same time, dropping Advani and Joshi has signalled that deadwood has no place in decision-making.
K.P. Rajan, Mumbai
The problem with Varun is his DNA. He has faithfully inherited his father’s arrogance, brazenness, brashness and defiance.
C.V. Venugopalan, Palakkad
Varun Gandhi was educated in Jiddu Krishnamurthy’s Rishi Valley school in Andhra, where the best teachers taught students the practice of humility (The Tumble Down 'G', Sep 01). But how could, after such an education, Varun turn out to be as arrogant and dictatorial as he has been? Is it his father’s genetic influence?
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
Arrogance runs in the Gandhi family gene. Period.
In Nehrus times, this actually worked to the advantage of the Congress. The media monkeys built the aura around the arrogant feminit, Indira.
But the Queen Heiresses corruption scandals having become exposed, this arrogance 'aura' is unlikely to win any more popularity within India in the near future.
Sooner Varun Gandhi is kicked out of BJP, the better for BJP.
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