Don’t expect any miracles in the first 100 days of the new government. That may be a bit of a letdown to the millions who voted in the Narendra Modi-led government but his advisors stress that people will have to be realistic, consider at least a time horizon of two years for any reforms to deliver—there are simply too many governance issues that need to be tackled first.
This underplaying of matters is natural, given the extent of the expectations. “The first six months are going to be very difficult as aspirations are very high and the results are not going to come through as always there is a lag,” says Dr Rajiv Kumar of the Centre for Policy Research. Having tested the waters with proposals of tax reforms—which backfired badly—the BJP key team decided to defer the release of the vision document on economic and social development agenda till after the formation of government.
But some indications are already evident. Scores of economic, development and financial experts have been formally and informally consulted, some without even realising their opinion was being sought. The head of a government-affiliated think-tank recalls being asked about GST and DTC during a luncheon meet with Arun Shourie, tipped to hold a key economic portfolio in the new government. Many others like Dr Vinay Sahasrabuddhe, director of the Mumbai-based Public Policy Research Centre (a BJP affiliate), and many economists including Prof Jagdish Bhagwati, Prof Arvind Panagariya and Dr Rajiv Kumar have been part of round-table discussions and brainstorming sessions.
Finally, many of these proposals put forth by experts will figure in the BJP’s vision document—which is likely to be unveiled by June-end—and form part of the action plan of the next government. “A government plan of what it needs to do in the next six months to one year is just not there at present,” states Dr Rathin Roy, director of the National Institute of Public Finance and Policy (NIPFP). “The government shouldn’t be talking about the first 100 days. It should be talking about what it wants to achieve in between three and five years.”
On tax reforms like Direct Tax Code (DTC) and the Goods and Services Tax (GST), experts point out that while the first will have to start again as it has lapsed, in the case of GST “we are 90 per cent there. With a little political negotiation we should be able to have it in place”, points out Roy.
A key focus area will be administrative reforms. A common criticism is that now most junior- and mid-level government officials function from day to day and don’t know how to provide answers except to parliamentary questions. A major fear of experts is that instead of professionalism, we will see an onslaught of bureaucrats managing affairs, if the Gujarat model is replicated at the Centre by Modi. As in Gujarat, Modi is likely to give lots of functional freedom to bureaucrats but with more accountability. There is also likely to be motivational training for officials and staff to promote a work culture.
The new government takes charge at a time when there is optimism that economic growth-wise, the worst is behind us. Inflation, of course, remains an unconquerable factor just as the unpredictable summer monsoon. The Indian rupee has also gained in the last several weeks, which augurs well for reducing our import bill. Hopefully, the new government will work cordially with RBI governor Raghuram Rajan and not create more fissures that would send wrong signals to investors. As inflation slides, the interest rates should follow suit.
The Modi government inherits three international arbitration cases—two tax- related cases of Vodafone and Nokia and a third gas price-related case involving RIL and its two partners. In the effort to woo foreign investors, Modi may have to make some leeway in the first two but considering the tough stand being taken by the US, UK and EU on tax matters it wouldn’t be desirable to let MNCs dodge their dues, particularly at a time when the fiscal deficit has to be bridged. Part of the dues Nokia owes relates to state government revenues, which will be difficult to overlook.
The Reliance gas price arbitration case seems more of a show of strength by the corporate group considering the government has announced the hike (implementation of the new price was only held up due to the elections). On the larger issue of fall in productivity, hopefully the Modi sarkar will show more spine and seek accountability and not blame the national auditor for doing its job.
Meanwhile, a robust natural resources policy will hopefully promote proper utilisation/value addition to give a push to manufacturing, job and wealth creation in some of the otherwise neglected mineral-rich regions. Will it mean taking back the coal and other mineral blocks and allocating it in a transparent manner? Again, a tough decision!
Investments, even if they start flowing in, will have a gestation period. That would mean Modi will have a very hard first six months. He would be wise in using the time to lay the foundations of the next upswing rather than try any ‘shortcuts’ to try bringing the economy back to the growth trajectory.
The Modi sarkar will have a tough task at hand to revive industrial growth—which remained almost flat in 2013-14. Wholesale inflation eased in April to below 6 per cent but that could change in the event of the crucial summer monsoon failing to deliver. However, with India set to harvest a record 264.4 million tonnes of grains in the crop year that ends in June, the situation on the food front is comfortable. The election verdict has given a high to the BSE benchmark Sensex, while the rupee too has recovered, up to 58.68 against the US dollar. This tells us something—all said, Modi has got to steward an Indian economy that is ready to revive its animal spirits.
Forget the first hundred days, those are just gimmicks, turning our ocean liner of an economy around will take time, especially after the number of icebergs it has hit in the last decade (The Seatbelt Sign is On, May 26). What we need is an honest budget, spelling out the true state of the economy (creative accounting peeled away) and a credible five-year roadmap for fiscal coordination and economic growth.
Ashok Lal, Mumbai
Modi has already taken some interesting decisions that point to his leadership and management style (Bring out the Heavy Machinery). Requiring the departmental secretaries to make presentations shows that he’ll be a hands-on PM. Also his “125 crore steps forward” comment was a good thing, a subtle call for people to take personal responsibility, very different from the previous approach of handouts and entitlements.
Good, sound stuff. If Modi can get even 50 per cent of this stuff done, it will change India permanently for the better. Hope his major projects don’t get diverted to those for rich people. I am not happy with the talk of bullet trains.
Kishore Kant, Delhi
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
Priority of course, will be to give Adanis contracts without tenders.
The economy is looking like a burnt hut with charred roof, broken pots, half burnt clothes. First to clear the ashes and clean up itself will take at least more than three months. Destruction is always easy where congress is expert. Construction is pretty difficult. With the damages in row, it will take at least five years for any administration inheriting such an economic and administrative legacy to mount back the economy on the right track.
Whenever someone mentions the first 100 days, Gordon Brown comes to mind. Poor chap waited so long to topple Tony Blair, had his plans all ready, sank without a trace. These are gimmicks, turning an ocean liner takes time, especially after it has hit so many icebergs over the last decade.
What ought to rank very high up on the list of priorities is to present an honest Budget, spelling out the true state of the economy / public finances, the creative accounting peeled away, and to lay out a credible five year road map for fiscal consolidation and economic growth. A broad outline of the reforms the government proposes to carry out. Concrete measures to bring inflation, especially for food items, back into the comfort zone.
My suggestion to think tanks. Have a good look at the arithmetic of the budget.
I have this to say about the cause of inflation.
Look at the balance of a monetary sovereign economy described by USA data http://pic.twitter.com/mIvjkQ18Hh
Deficits have increased a lot with growth of the economy (the plot is
normalized with varying GDP) with not much inflation and more recently
it is bordering on deflation which makes me suggest that funding for
growth will expand the economy and kill inflation. In India inflation
appears to be due to starved economy and high unemployment. The deficit
is very small at 4.6% of GDP now and Why nor increase to 20% to support
vigorous growth? Of course the DEFICIT is the prime mover of the economy
with the balance DEFICIT- NET IMPORT. = NET PRIVATE SAVINGS, as the data makes abundantly clear. Click on preview to enlarge in another page. USA has more than 10% GDP deficit and zero inflation.
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