Hindutva, Anti-Muslim, Fundamentalist, Chauvinist—these are the tired monikers all too familiar to anyone donning the badge of “Hindu” in the public square. But it is a tired narrative, tone deaf to conversations that occupy the space between the “liberal secular elite” and “right-wing Hindutva.” For it is in that middle ground that the vast majority of Hindus throughout the diaspora likely find themselves, grasping at that space as it contracts in an increasingly polarized socio-political landscape.
Janmohamed does well to spotlight advocacy as an acceptable, even necessary complement to a pluralistic America. After all, whether dealing with the caricaturing of Hinduism in popular media, giving voice to religious minorities in Pakistan, or promoting equality and human dignity regardless of race, religion, sexual orientation or caste, second generation Hindu Americans are entitled to interpret their spiritual heritage in a way that is relevant to their time and place.
But Janmohamed also veers into the neatly stereotyped tale of Hindu intrigue and intolerance. He conjures up a two decade old quote, long refuted, ascribing Hindutva connections to HAF founders and gives voice to those illiberally disposed towards Hindu advocacy and who propose a central irony: that what Hindu Americans seek for Hindus in the U.S. is in contradiction with what they want for minorities in India. Or as Manu Joseph suggests, “[Hindus] tend to be liberal Democrats in the United States, but political conservatives in India.”
My answer is that beyond the intellectually lazy suggestion that to be pro-Hindu is to reflexively be anti-minority, such assertions not only fail to understand the American mind, but also to distinguish the diametrically different interpretations of secularism and equal protection in the U.S. and India. The U.S has no Penal Code 295A that pulped Doniger’s book and no National Commission for Minorities as does India, and laws like India’s 377 criminalizing homosexuality have long been overturned.
Indeed the real irony in Hindu advocacy is that even as Hindu Americans join diverse coalitions to oppose government endorsement of religion, such as the state of Texas sponsoring a Ten Commandments monument on public grounds, the very same privileging of separation of religion and state, or secularism, means HAF may protest against India’s “secular” government controlling Hindu temples—but not Muslim or Christian religious institutions. Or Hindu Americans may criticize separate personal laws that most adversely affect Indian women of all religions. Far from insisting on quotas or separate laws as one may see in India, there has never been a call on the U.S. government by Hindu Americans for special privileges—only an insistence on equal consideration and equal protection under extant law. As to any paradox, Hindu Americans may find themselves on different sides of “minority rights” just to be consistent and contextual to different definitions of secularism.
A rising Narendra Modi in India’s political discourse has raised the ire of those ideologically averse, and Hindu and Hindutva are easily conflated by those so inclined. That conflation has spilled over into American advocacy vis-à-vis India, and can be examined in the context of House Resolution 417 and the pulping of Wendy Doniger’s Hindu project.
House Resolution 417 (H.Res.417) introduced in the current U.S. Congress not only seeks to continue denying Narendra Modi a visa, but calls on the Government of India to empower the National Commission on Minorities to conduct trials and hear appeals. Constituents of the same coalition that lobbied the State Department in 2005 to deny Narendra Modi’s visa, paid a Washington lobbyist at least $30,000 for just three months of work to push H.Res.417. This coalition, which also includes several organizations led by the founder and past president of the Indian National Overseas Congress, engages various branches of the U.S. government with its campaign against a so-called Hindu supremacy movement in India.
There were really no efforts in the U.S. to oppose the visa denial of Modi in 2005, when investigations were ongoing. But as Alyssa Ayres of the influential think tank, the Council of Foreign Relations, asserts, the December 26, 2013 decision by a Gujarat Court to uphold the Indian Supreme Court’s SIT report provides “legal clarity,” that evaded before. After U.S. Ambassador Nancy Powell’s personal detente with Modi, the tide has clearly turned, and H.Res. 417’s Modi fixation looks passe’ and potentially damaging if a Prime Minister Modi harbours resentment.
For the U.S. Congress to call on India to empower the National Commission on Minorities with unprecedented powers can only be seen as an audacious, supercilious attack on India’s judiciary. “It is the equivalent of the U.S. government creating an agency made up of everyone but white Christians Americans to monitor and prosecute only white Christian Americans”— we’ve told members of Congress who may have otherwise been duped by the platitudes H.Res. 417 features in its prologue.
HAF unequivocally criticized Wendy Doniger’s wild romp with Hinduism in The Hindus: An Alternative History. And while HAF was amongst many Hindus who protested against the book possibly winning the National Book Critic’s Circle award (it lost), the Foundation was also amongst those who condemned its banning. But to simplify this issue to one of religious fundamentalism coming to heads with academic freedom obscures the book’s factual, translation, and interpretive errors that not only lay Hindus, but other academics have pointed out.
And clearly oblivious to any contradiction, scholars such as Vijay Prashad who write paeans to Doniger for her “tribute” to Hinduism and vociferously condemn the “Hindu Right” for their extensive critiques of The Hindus, have no qualms in boycotting academic institutions in Israel or that of Narendra Modi to address students at Wharton Business School via Skype. If the open exchange of ideas is a principle that those committed to a free and open society cherish and enjoy, why is it that these self-appointed saviours of secularism, free speech, and academic freedom only stand up for those with whom they agree?
Indeed there will always be members of a fringe who prefer extreme rhetoric, albeit from the comforts of their screen and mouse, but there are others—conservative, moderate, liberal, and yes, secular Hindus who have chosen to publicly engage Doniger in dialogue, or express opposition to the content of her scholarship and value of her work. That these voices are finding space in the mainstream media is a testament to perseverance, but there is a road yet to travel.
Much time has passed and work done since my meeting with Janmohamed. We may have major disagreements, but we will also find common ground in a shared upbringing as the children of Indian immigrants. It is in engagement—such as here on the pages of Outlook—that we will build mutual respect and understanding.
House Resolution 417, Wendy Doniger’s The Hindus: An Alternative History, and even American public school textbooks share one thing in common: they each try to tell the story of India—as she was and as she is—but, as I would argue, with a preference for thorns rather than roses. Why does this even matter to Hindu Americans, many of whom are not of Indian descent or several generations removed?
The answer can be articulated only in an ephemeral vocabulary: India’s legacy—her pluralistic, ever-relevant spirituality, and the many spiritual masters she has bore. India is the cradle of Dharmic religious traditions—Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism—that matters regardless of whether ancestors left India’s shores generations ago, or Dharma touches many of us if only by serendipity. Their master is no man or nation, it is Dharma’s voice that moves them.
Suhag A. Shukla is Executive Director, Legal Counsel and co-founder of the Hindu American Foundation (HAF)
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
Ultimately it is a moral issue and it is not even not black and white. The following report highlights one of the charges against Modi "
Madam why you trouble us with your daily Ten Times Rona Dhona here ??
None can do any thing to help you .Why don't you talk to your Teesta Boss .She is more experienced as you know in this mud slinging business .
@ Saroja (Post 76/43)
I need to re-emphasise that it is all about context, context, context.
As smart women in the midst of domestic squabbles tend to, you dredge up selective comments from the past, strip it of its context, and parade it in order to obfuscate an argument and claim to have won.
Most of Savarkar's comments about Hitler, about Muslims, about his vision were future were made against the backdrop of the second world war, the decline of colonialism, the rise of nationalism among subject races and, most importantly, the strident demand for a separate homeland for Indian Muslims on the ground that they would not get justice and the freedom to practice their religion in a country dominated by Hindus.
There was nobody to speak on behalf of Hindus. The Hindu dominated Congress abdicated that right since it claimed to speak for all Indians, a claim which was contemptfully rejected by Jinnah and company. There was a political need to protect the interests of the Hindus which the Congress disregarded in their desire to appease the likes of Jinnah, Iqbal, Suhrawardy and others.
If you want to juxtapose the comments of Savarkar with anyone else from that period, it has to be his counterparts in the Muslim League, like Mr. M.A.Jinnah, in order to get a proper perspective.
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