There is something quite extraordinary about this discovery of Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar by India in the 21st century. He has been discovered posthumously, and become a symbol (more specifically many hundreds of statues!) of the coming of age of Dalit consciousness, articulation and assertion. Conversely, if we go by the opinion poll conducted in collaboration with this magazine, Jawaharlal Nehru has been devalued.
It is certainly progressive to remind the elites about historical injustice and oppression. As has been famously said, democracy must be something more than two wolves and a sheep voting on what to have for dinner. Social change and justice are critical to the egalitarianism any democracy must aspire to. We cannot lose sight of the fact that after several years of reservations, Dalits are still not represented adequately in professions like the media and cinema, and many continue to be engaged in subhuman and menial jobs.
But we cannot be guilt-tripped into undermining Nehru, just because Ambedkar is the icon of the times. Political correctness should not make us blind to historical accuracy. There is no comparison between Ambedkar and Nehru in terms of shaping the Indian nation. Nehru made us what we are as a nation. We can contest the ideas that are the cornerstones of Nehruvian socialism and secularism. But we can hardly contest the fact that as India’s first prime minister from 1947 to his death in 1964, he oversaw our transition from a colony to a sustainable democracy. Nehru gave us the ideas of India in his lifetime. Ambedkar has become an idea. Ambedkar is a figure we give lip service to because he is a symbol of the marginalised. Nehru is a figure whose ideas have been contested and attacked by those with a different vision of India. Some of his ideas may have perhaps outlived their utility but they were strong fundamentals.
If we examine the post-colonial history of the world, when the empires receded from Asia and Africa, many former colonies quickly lapsed from an attempt at democracy to dictatorships. India endured as a democracy because its first prime minister was a democrat by impulse, instinct and intellectual conviction. He set in place institutions and a Constitution that still help us endure the many venalities in our system. That Ambedkar has a starring role in the authorship of the Indian Constitution is undeniable. In his lifetime, that was his significant contribution.
It is after his death that Ambedkar gets resurrected and is born again as a figure who symbolises Dalit power, a rejection of Hinduism with its varna system, and the status quoist establishment. One thread that runs through the narrative of this retold Ambedkar story is that he was kept down by the leaders of the Indian National Congress and never given his rightful place in independent India because he was a Dalit. That is likely to be true. Certainly, Nehru was born to privilege, was a man of refinement and easy with power. He was the quintessential elite and liberal with socialist convictions. Ambedkar, on the other hand, would have faced every possible obstacle and prejudice.
Indeed, Nehru’s significance also lies in the fact that, in the post-Partition trauma, he did not allow the early Indian state to be more ‘Hindu’ as a counter to the emergence of Pakistan (a name that translates as ‘the land of the pure’). It has often been suggested that Gandhi chose Nehru over other worthy contenders because he understood his innate secularism. As it turned out, he was right and Nehru’s long reign ensured that India would be a secular republic although an ideological dualism still survives in the Congress beneath the lip-service to secularism.
One outcome of Nehru’s dominance and the subsequent emergence of the dynasty is that the BJP, short of national heroes of its own, appears to have appropriated the Sardar Patel copyright for nuancing and retelling his tale. Two significant leaders from the Hindu right have at different times claimed to be true inheritors of Patel. How we tell our history is important because it defines who we are. Understanding this, the ideological right has always tried to retell history. But Ambedkar has been the more successful project in revisiting history because he is a symbol of radical change.
Nehru’s waning popularity is possibly linked to the diminishing returns of dynasty. It is usually the “sins of the father” that are supposed to visit the successors. But in the case of the Nehru-Gandhis, there is no family member who touches the heights that Nehru did as a thinker, writer, political philosopher, prime minister and world statesman. Indira Gandhi was deified as Nehru never was partly because the popular franchise expanded during her reign and because of the devi-like stature she acquired after the 1971 war with Pakistan. But she was a poor democrat by instinct, and by the time she was assassinated in 1984, the Congress could never recover inner-party democracy, becoming dependent on the Family. The aura of Indira passed on to son Rajiv, who won the largest mandate in India’s history—only to lose it five years later. Since then we have had Sonia Gandhi as the Congress president while Rahul is soon expected to play a more active role in politics. But the aura of dynasty has been waning and its members must know that they are both the greatest weakness and the greatest strength of the Congress party.
But that should not detract from Nehru’s appeal. He held the reins of a fragile new nation in an age when superpowers emerged after World War II and great ideological blocs divided the globe. It would be belittling Nehru to just see him as the founder of a political dynasty. It’s not something he would have conceived of. By the time he died, there are well-recorded differences with Indira, who was emerging as a very different kind of politician and individual. Indeed, ironically, of all the members of the dynasty, it is Nehru’s pictures that are the least seen in the rooms of Congress leaders. Dynasties are not always founded by design. Surely, it was one of the great coincidences of our time that Indira would marry a man named Feroze Gandhi and hence acquire the halo of two great names of the freedom movement. The Mahatma and the first prime minister. Ambedkar’s not in that league.
Saba Naqvi (The Higher Statesman?) brings up points Indians need to think about and reflect on. Excellent article. Both Naqvi and Outlook deserve congratulations.
James Sengupta, Sydney
Well-written, balanced piece on Jawaharlal Nehru.
Nitin Basrur, Pune
If I were asked to name a person who has caused India the greatest harm, I would name Jawaharlal Nehru.
Sharada Chawla, on e-mail
Apropos The Higher Statesman?, even before your poll, some well-known historians had placed Ambedkar above Nehru. Perry Anderson of the University of California in his essay Why Partition? wrote: “Only outside Congress was there lucidity. Predictably, of those who would go on to construct the Indian state, Ambedkar alone was early on clear-sighted enough to see that self-determination could not be denied Muslims if they wanted it, and to propose a rational solution.” That showed his prescience.
Sartaj Aziz, Lahore
Of course, Ambedkar is greater than Nehru! The former, with his myopic mantra of reservation, undid every world-class institution that the visionary Nehru built.
Gopal Shetty, Halady, Karnataka
If Nehru had anything big, it was his ego and hatred for competition. He did not give us the dynasty, Motilal did.
Somshankar Bose, Madison
It’s the popular vote that has put Ambedkar on the top. It remains beyond question that Nehru stands taller than any other leader.
Rahul Gaur, Gurgaon
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
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