What’s (generally) common to Gujarati rajneeti
After May 16, we can certainly now look to Gujarat as the state that has given India some of its most significant leaders. There must always first be Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, born in Porbandar on the coast of Gujarat and till today the most famous Indian name across the world. Prime Minister Narendra Modi shares little with Gandhi besides the fact of having been born in Gujarat and having a strong personal commitment to vegetarianism and prohibition. From Gandhi to Modi, surely we are travelling to the opposite pole of the multitude of impulses that drive our nation?
So what is the Gujarati political genius all about? There is first the paradox that a state known for its great business instinct has actually produced very successful politicians and leaders. Could it be the pragmatism that works, the understanding of the profit margin? There are no absolute answers as trends are best understood in their nuances. Achyut Yagnik, author of The Shaping of Modern Gujarat, says that “Gandhi and Modi are poles apart and cannot be compared. But as for Modi’s character, it has been influenced by the mercantile ethos of Gujarat, combined with the RSS background, although he is not particularly religious himself. There is also a great preference for modern technology.” The tradition of authoritarian leadership, he goes on to say, began in Gujarat with Sardar Patel. There would subsequently be strong Congress leaders like Morarji Desai, known as the sarvochaya (supreme) leader when he was the chief minister of the pre-split Bombay state that included Gujarat, carved out as a separate state in 1960. Later, another Congress CM, Chimanbhai Patel, would be referred to as Chhote Sardar. Modi too was called “chhote sardar” after 2002, though now he may be described as so much more...
M.A. Jinnah The ‘liberal’ divisive Gujarati
Ironically, then, it was the Congress that had the strong state leader tradition in Gujarat post-Sardar Patel. This trait of Patel’s, along with his reconstruction of the Somnath temple, are the reason why he was always the role model for the BJP that has worked hard to appropriate his legacy. To some extent, they have also tried to appropriate Gandhi’s legacy although that has been a little harder to achieve. Still, it cannot be forgotten that, far removed from the simplicity of Gandhi’s Sabarmati ashram, Modi has built a state-of-the-art structure called Mahatma Mandir which hosts most global conferences in Gujarat. PM Modi is certainly the gleaming, shining, new-age leader of Gujarat and now of an India that has been convinced of his model. No crumpled white khadi or dhoti for him; instead he wears contrasting shades in impeccably cut and neatly ironed kurta and churidar pyjamas.
By becoming the absolute leader in Gujarat, Modi had actually changed the tradition in the BJP. Since the party defeated the Congress in 1995, and in the six years before Modi became CM, there was great infighting in the state unit. BJP chief ministers like Keshubhai Patel, Suresh Mehta and Shankersinh Vaghela were never able to subdue all the factions and dissident activity within the party. All that changed after Modi took over in 2001. It was he who prevailed and once he did so there has been no looking back, whether it has been the three terms in Gujarat or in his journey to being India’s prime minister.
Same Cho: The Gujarati Strongmen
It has, however, been said that you can take the boy out of the country but you can’t take the country out of the boy. Sources reveal that Modi worked at toning down his “Gujaratiness” and evolving a less distinct regional personality in the course of the elaborate plan to conquer India. He took constant feedback from individuals. He was told that there is a certain bluntness to Gujarati rhetoric that must be nuanced differently. He was advised about ambiguity and adopting a relatively softer tone. He did so in his own way, says a source. What shall not change is his love for Gujarati food and Modi is known to often prefer to eat alone after a hard day’s work.
Some of the people who gave Modi inputs also say that he is also one of the best listeners. Indeed, much has been written about Modi’s RSS origins, early life and politics in several biographies, but what has not been explored are his dealings with relatively sophisticated Gujaratis both in India and abroad. Says a source, “The biographers have all completely missed out on how he has reached out to westernised people also, and they give him a window to other things he is not presumed to know about. People have mostly focused on his RSS background.” These Modi enthusiasts who are not from the formal BJP structure now say that contrary to the image of his having limited interests, Modi is curious about things he has not been exposed to in his own life, due to class and ideological constraints.
Through the night, 12-15 researchers would follow the news, by 8 am there would be a summary of what could possibly be said; by 9.30 am, this would be gone over with spokespersons; in another hour, a briefing note would be prepared, and by 1 pm, an audio bridge to 250-300 spokespeople in different states linked up. Most critically, the content was carefully calibrated. Indeed, it could be said that Ladwa is the other Gujarati besides Amit Shah who made it all possible. Although Ladwa’s closeness to Modi is now getting known (Modi himself asked him to handle communications), he prefers to work below the radar. He’s also said to be behind the change of colour of the BJP’s lotus from saffron to black-and-white, a change effected quietly without much ado in February this year. It was done in order to make the symbol “exactly” what voters would see on the EVMs. Ask Ladwa what links Gandhi to Modi, and pat comes his reply: “If we must look at things from such a perspective, then we can say that after Gandhi, Modi was the first Indian leader who had such a connect with the diaspora across the world, both Gujarati and non-Gujarati.”
To Higher Office With Shankersinh Vaghela at his 2014 farewell
From Gandhinagar, Modi also cultivated certain pan-Indian connections. Sources say that while he was the CM of Gujarat, he always tried to keep in touch and respond to those who operated from other states and the national capital. Says an insider to the Modi circle, “He would call to get a perspective about a development in another state even before he became a PM candidate, unlike most strong state leaders who tend to become rather insular.” In hindsight, it can be said that from Gandhinagar, Modi had his eye on the rest of the nation, just as from New Delhi he shall now view the world.
Now Modi has joined the pantheon of leaders of Gujarati origin who changed the world around them. There is yet another Gujarati in the list, Mohammed Ali Jinnah, founder of the Two-Nation Theory and Pakistan. He played a communal politics that led to much bloodshed although he is said to have been actually a liberal. Modi has never been called a liberal and he would possibly be amused were he ever to be described as one. But would this subaltern hero from Gujarat show a greater generosity in his spirit and his politics now that he will shift to Race Course Road and has acquired a certain grandeur with a convincing win?
Gandhi, Jinnah and Patel had a much more cosmopolitan world outlook (The Gujarat Model of Politician). Modi, on the contrary, has been confined to the toxic milieu of the rss from a very young age.
Gandhi was the son of the diwan (prime minister) of Porbandar; Jinnah too belonged to the upper crust. Modi, like Vallabhbhai Patel, came from a humble background. Gandhi and Jinnah became westernised oriental gentlemen, complete with suits, boots and hats. Gandhi took to the loincloth after returning to India, Jinnah remained a sahib all his life. Patel, of course, was untouched by westernisation despite having spent two years in the UK. Modi, of course, is entirely home-grown. Morarji Desai, though from Gujarat, was not of the same calibre as Gandhi, Jinnah or Patel. Jinnah was very narrow-minded and communal despite his atheism and liberal, western facade. Gandhi was far more broad-minded and inclusive. On another note, Bachi Karkaria, while attempting to give us an insight into the Gujarati mind, wittingly revealed the working of the mind that makes the Parsis India’s most-loved minority (The Elusive Sides of that Raj Traveller). They have enriched Indian culture unobtrusively.
D.L. Narayan, Visakhapatnam
One should not read too much into the fact that Gujarat has given India its next prime minister. It’s the party: he could well have been from Rajasthan or Himachal Pradesh. Would look forward to the day when someone would qualify from the Northeast.
Ashok Lal, Mumbai
Time to shift loyalties. First sing praises about an economist PM (who turned out to be a dud), now sing paeans to a Gujarati one. Life goes on.
Dinesh Kumar, Chandigarh
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
"What a stupid and deranged mind!"
If Modi is Swapan's friend, then Sonia was Saba's friend. So how many favors did Saba ask and get from UPA?
Would be worth investigating to find out how much UPA bribed various journalists.
In an unrelated side story, Swapan tweeted about lack of parking in Delhi's diplomatic enclave, and the hardship it causes to visa seeking public.
Swpan, you tell PM Modi to take this up. And don't take a US visa till they beg him to come!!!! But sympathi for parking woes
Swpan, you tell PM Modi to take this up. And don't take a US visa till they beg him to come!!!! But sympathi for parking woes
Seriously? She has to bring Modi into this discussion, and about making the US beg him to come to US? All Swapan is doing is expressing some frustration about lack of parking.
What a stupid and deranged mind!
Time to shift loyalties. First, sing praises about an economist Prime Minister (who turned out to be a dud) and now start singing songs about a Gujarati one. Life goes on.
Modi is by far the shrewdest politician in the current genere.He knows how to corner people and how to hold on when necessary.His decision making capacity is what will carry him on.But he can never be compared to any other great Indian leaders as he has bolld in his hands and never made attempts to wash them.He belongs to RSS who killed Gandhi but offers homage to Gandhi on his swearing in.That is how shrewed he is.
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