Modi has been striving for national and international acceptance for nearly a decade now, and this proactive streak with the corporate sector is finally yielding huge dividends. Most of the corporates bigwigs in the state—from Gautam Adani of Adani Enterprises, Nikhil Gandhi of SKIL Infrastructure, Shashi Ruia of Essar Oil, Mukesh Ambani of Reliance, and the powerful diamond merchants’ lobby—are said to have actively worked to ensure a third innings for Modi. It’s reflected in the results too, the BJP swept the six districts which had the highest industrial investments—Ahmedabad, Baroda, Rajkot, Surat, Mehsana and Gandhinagar. Newly industrialised zones like Gandhidham, Mundra and Kutch have also gone completely saffron.
Thanks to his weaving an urban development dream, many corporates are willing to overlook his dubious past and skewed development plans (which give little weight to healthcare and other social indicators). “After the ’02 pogrom, Modi used industry as a means to whitewash his image,” says ToI’s Kingshuk Nag, earlier its Ahmedabad edition editor.
Thus started ‘Vibrant Gujarat’, a showpiece event to woo industries, during which Modi is shown hobnobbing with top Indian honchos and overseas investors. Over the past decade, Modi has given a push to many emerging sectors like chemicals, automobiles, petrochemicals and energy in the state. Today the oil refineries of Reliance Industries and Essar, the ports of the Adani Group, power plants of Torrent, pharma plants of giants Cadila and Dishman, the Nano of the Tatas, they all showcase the state’s big strides in industrial growth. Predictably, these are ranked high among the Modi favourites for special dispensation.
Sometimes, though, the political patronage can backfire. Take the case of the Nirma Group. Modi’s attempt to push through clearance for a cement plant project for the group in ’08 on reservoir land came unstuck after BJP MLA Dr Kanu Kalsaria not only organised local opposition in Mahuva but also took up the matter with the environment ministry at the Centre. But this was a stray incident. Opposition is not the norm in Gujarat where it always pays to have political connections, say observers.
They point to the case of RIL which for a long time was not in Modi’s good books. That is till he decided to showcase Reliance’s 62-million-tonne refinery in Jamnagar as a success story to attract investments. It, of course, helped that Mukesh Ambani’s relative Saurabh Patel is Gujarat industries minister.
Today, the share of industry in the gross state domestic product (GSDP) is 40 per cent as against the national average of just 27 per cent, while agriculture’s share is 13 per cent. Infrastructure is good, say experts. They point to the port facilities, tax incentives in some backward areas and the quake-affected Kutch region, and no hike in power tariffs in the last decade.
Deven Choksey, CEO of KR Choksey Securities, remarks that the last decade has built upon the past legacy of Gujarat but “it has seen a government which is more proactive in support of industry, which is why there is such cooperation and coordination between the government and corporates. It has helped to create a new business environment.” He cites the example of how Gujarat’s quick response won the Tatas’ investments in Sanand, which has now developed into an automobile hub. Choksey says the Gujarat model of promoting big industry, which in turn leads to growth of ancillary units, is a good, inclusive model.
Others like Comma Consulting’s Rajiv Desai (a PR veteran who led the Congress media campaign in the ’02 Gujarat elections), however, feel that despite attempts by big industrial houses to give Gujarat a Singapore feel in its development model, “the reality is that the bulk of Gujarat has fallen behind in inclusive growth so much so that marginal groups have become further marginalised”.
Echoing similar sentiments, Soneji points out that the benefits of industrial development have not really reached the small and medium units, which were once the standard-bearers of Gujarati entrepreneurship and growth. Today, 22-25 per cent of such units in the state are sick, much the same as across the country ,“as nothing much is being done for them in Gujarat”, she says.
Finally, Modi has been heard boasting that corruption has been curbed. He may well be right where petty corruption is concerned but big money still flows, “only it’s more subtle and restricted to a few people”, says an industry expert. Seen as the leader of the new urban middle class, Modi is now being feted by lobbies in the West thanks to moneybags Gujaratis. We live in a global world, and patronage knows no boundaries.
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
All over the world, growth has been the horse, inclusiveness the cart.
What do you want to convey?? is Industralisation bad?? are captains of industry are fools?? national & international acceptance from whom?? people have been sending him with so much majority ..surely you are not the one who agree with him, but, how does it matter?? UK came crawling so will many! if they don't who cares!!
Well if our national corporate income tax weren't 35% for one, we would see more small entities competing with the big behemoths.
More liberalisation on a national level will obviously help.
Crony Capitalism is a direct result of low economic freedom.
Gujarat however is one of the more economically free states in India along with Tamizhnadu.
Size of Government: Expenditures, Taxes and Enterprises, Legal Structure and Security of Property Rights, Regulation of labour, and business are all factors that when examined in great detail lead experts to conclude that in 2011 Gujarat was indeed the most free state economy in India.
In terms of cities, Ahmedabad would be right up there with Ludhiana,Bhubaneshwar,Hyderabad and even Gurgaon in terms of economic freedom.
So, however difficult it may be for small businesses in Gujarat, it is also the best place for them or among the best states to be in India for all practical purposes.
If you are a small businessman or involved with/employed by a small business, than Gujarat is 1 of the places to be(In India).
There are contradictory views of Mr. Shiv vishwanathan and Lola Nayar regarding the support of diamond industry to Modi; one suggests that they have ditched him whereas the other thinks they are supporting him!
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