However, these numbers alone do not explain the BJP’s troubles. Even before the elections, the party couldn’t find credible candidates in nearly one-fourth of the constituencies. Many candidates lost their deposits. And not one-third of the winners are core Sangh parivar activists. Does this defeat then signify the failure of the grand Sangh parivar experiment in Karnataka?
Please note: Despite the BJP’s intentions, the great Karnataka experiment was anything but a Hindutva one. True, the BJP depended on its core urban Hindu support, but its success from 2004 onward was the result of a social coalition of Lingayats, several neglected OBC groups and some Dalit groups. However, the social coalition acquired potency only in association with the money power from mining. Gali Janardhana Reddy and his Bellary associates injected huge amounts of money in the Bellary area during the 2004 assembly elections. By 2008, the practice was widespread, with real estate and mining money influencing election outcomes. Sriramulu was an example of the new BJP leader’s profile: caste appeal plus money power. In fact, it was new leaders like him who dominated the BJP governments in Karnataka, much to the chagrin of core Sangh types. Even when practised, the Sangh parivar’s aggressive stance against the minorities and women backfired spectacularly, as the evidence from coastal Karnataka amply demonstrates.
In 2012, the BJP’s social coalition fell apart and the mining lobby found itself severely constrained through Supreme Court interventions. As splits occurred, the BJP continued to offer delusional arguments claiming that the corrupt elements have left, and the newly cleansed party would now follow Modi’s Gujarat model. However, with a five years’ governance record to examine, the people of Karnataka haven’t bought that claim. Despite some achievements like the Bangalore Metro and Sakala (right to guaranteed services), the BJP in Karnataka didn’t have a development narrative like Modi did. Its governance seemed limited to welfare programmes (mostly distributing cash and subsidies to caste groups and mathas) and politically symbolic measures like having a separate agricultural budget. Far more damaging was the behaviour of its leaders. The corruption cases that came to light were trouble enough. But facing accusations of favouring their own family members, BJP leaders, including Yediyurappa, asked if the children of politicians shouldn’t run business. Some BJP members were embroiled in sex scandals; some others were caught watching porn clips in the assembly. The voters were not amused.
Now, the challenge for the BJP is to build a new social coalition. That will still revolve around Lingayats, and a combination of backward castes in addition to its core urban Hindu base. However, the BJP will have to ensure that such an expansion is grounded in some political morality. It will also have to ensure that the cohesiveness of the party doesn’t come from only money and the desire for power. This will become evident if they pay attention to one aspect of the Congress victory: the drama over ticket distribution may have dominated the media narrative, but in the end, the winners have turned out to be veteran administrators with relatively clean images. The BJP list sorely lacked such figures.
Another point: the party’s rebuilding plans will have to take on a local flavour. Even for the upcoming Lok Sabha elections, the BJP cannot simply hope to adopt a national strategy, especially one that depends on Hindutva or on Modi’s Gujarat model. Even Modi will admit the importance of the social coalition he has built for his success. In any case, a political argument based on good governance is effective only after people have experienced such governance. Polarising figures like Modi can only hope to raise the enthusiasm of the party core. If the BJP wants to expand its social base, it will have to make a political argument—one that is a combination of local and national factors.
(The writer teaches history at the Karnataka State Open University.)
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
As long as politics in India is about looting the nation, money bags will control corrupt Indian politics.
Shallow article with an effort to whitewash bjp's misrule, looting the state, criminal gangsterims in the name of religion and hindu culture, paying mutts and other religious institutions from state coffers, etc. God save our students from This so called "history teachers". Anybody who knows about Karnataka for the past five years (especially certain regions like coastal Karnataka) will recognize the utter falsity of the statement from the author that "the great Karnataka experiment was anything but a Hindutva one". What has happened is that the upper castes with the connivance of certain religious leaders have conned the lower caste people into being their foot soldiers to do their scavenging work.
Parivar generously gave to mutts and in turn mutts assured the votes in the elections. Why is it the sytem wears blinkers when it comes to parivars shenanigans ? There are precedents of setting aside elections because of similar use of religion to solicit votes inlcuding an MLA from Kerala. Parivar did it with impunity.
Thank God for inherent lumpensness and corrution of parivar that people were able to see their true faces.
Siddhanti>> What has happened is that the upper castes with the connivance of certain religious leaders have conned the lower caste people into being their foot soldiers to do their scavenging work.
BJP was not in power till 2008. That is from 1947 to 2008 AD i.e for a period of 61 years, Karnataka gave full chance to secular, non rightist political parties to rule. And if your statement is right, the low caste people were enjoying the fruits of labour and living on a diet of biryani and icecream right till 2008 while scavenging was taken care by upper caste folks.
If only your fantasy were a reality, we all would be flying in the skies !!
Karnataka 2013 == India 2014.
Just like voters punished a lackluster BJP government in state , UPA will get punished.
One difference is - BJP ruled karnataka for just 5 years. UPA has been ruling for double that period, plus Congress party has ruled India for 56 years since 1947.
Congress will have its worst ever electoral defeat in coming elections. And yes, contrary to some day dreamers here, Karnataka will prefer to vote BJP and JDS for Lok sabha polls since this state has a track record of voting differently in state and central elections.
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