She tells them the AAP was founded to fight corruption and injustice, and that she wants to help free adivasis who are being wrongly held in jails. This is something speaker and audience can well relate to: Soni Sori is well-known as the victim of illegal confinement and gruesome torture by the Chhattisgarh police, and most adivasi families know of relatives or friends who have faced similar circumstances. She narrates the story of her arrest and torture and her two and half years in jail. The same stony silence, speaking of a stolid acceptance of harsh realities.
Soni Sori’s campaign is being run by scores of men and women who claim to be working for various voluntary organisations. Like those in the audience—whose response to questions such as why they are here, who do they support and so on is no more than a muttered ‘nahin maloom’—the volunteers are unwilling to give any more details. Adivasis in these parts don’t open up readily with strangers. However, a couple of volunteers—Arvind Gupta, a contractor, Santosh Sahu, a mechanic, and Raghavendra Baghel, who works for a private firm—speak up and say party chief Arvind Kejriwal’s arrival will electrify Soni Sori’s campaign.
Coil of torment Sori outside a Delhi court. (Photograph by Tehelka)
A stream of journalists from across the country and abroad are here to witness elections in this Maoist-dominated region. Hotel and lodge rooms in Jagdalpur are difficult to come by without early bookings. The Election Commission is organising the Lok Sabha elections in nine phases across the country, but seems to want to get done with Bastar at the earliest: it’s the only constituency in Chhattisgarh where polling will take place on April 10, in a very early phase. In less than a year, Maoist rebels have struck two major blows to the Indian state. Last year, they ambushed a Congress cavalcade through the region, killing many front-ranking state leaders of party. And last month, they ambushed a crpf patrol, killing 16 troopers. Bomb attacks, skirmishes with security forces and attacks on outposts are a regular affair.
Hers is a case of being caught between the Maoists and the security forces, a story familiar to many adivasi families in this region. Maoists allegedly killed her father in April 2011. They also burnt down a tractor and the grain stored at her home. A few months on, it was the Chhattisgarh police that began to harass her. They accused her of being a Maoist and a conduit for the transfer of protection money from Essar Steel—which has a plant in the state—to the Maoists.
Two Essar officials were arrested and Rs 15 lakh was seized from them. Soni Sori, who the police said had slipped away to Visakhapatnam, was arrested in Delhi. There was national outrage when she revealed she was stripped and tortured in police custody: stones were pushed into her private parts. Police officers stoutly denied the charges, but human rights activists kept up a chorus of protest. A medical report submitted to the Supreme Court confirmed the torture. She was granted some relief by the courts but cases are still pending.
Her husband, who left his home in Maharashtra to live with her, was also held on trumped up charges, she says. He came out of jail on bail with partial paralysis and died soon after. “The last three years have turned my life upside down,” she says. But what she regrets the most, she says, is the loss of her students. A Std xii pass, she’d decided to work for the education of the children of adivasis who were jailed or killed by Maoists or police, gathering some 100 of them about her. She wanted to give them an education as a way out of Bastar’s circle of terror and vengeance set in a context of tribal loyalties and Maoist ideology. She now finds there are only eight students left. “The others have melted away in the two and a half years I’ve been in prison,” she says. “I suspect many of them may have joined Maoist dalams.”
Winning this election will be quite difficult for her. Bastar has been a BJP stronghold for long: it has been represented by BJP MPs since 1998. After the sudden death of sitting MP Baliram Kashyap, his son Dinesh Kashyap was fielded by the BJP in 2011. He is once again the party’s candidate this time. His brother Kedar, a minister in the Raman Singh government, lends extra heft to the campaign. The Congress candidate Deepak Karma, also in his thirties, is also the son of Congress leader Mahendra Karma, of Salwa Judum infamy, who was killed by Maoists last year in the ambush on the party convoy. Both AAP and Sori being first-timers, their chances are not being rated highly by observers. But nobody can fault first-timers for not putting up a spirited campaign. At least half a dozen Swaraj Mazda trucks pasted with election material and 15 other vehicles have been lent by well-wishers. At least the first-timers are not invisible in these forested, troubled tracts.
The writer is a senior journalist who has covered Bastar for more than 15 years
Soni Sori or whoever—with just Rs 415 in the bank, it’s impossible to contest meaningfully in an election (One’s Own Voice, Apr 14). Also, in Bastar, who would volunteer for her, at the risk of being branded a Maoist? Now you know why caste Hindus always win this tribal-dominated constituency?
Rajesh, Phoenix, US
It’s bad enough that Maoists have killed hundreds of innocents in bomb blasts and executions, now AAP is whitewashing these terrorists so that they can create mayhem as part of the government?
Krupakar Kolbatla, Pittsburgh
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
You will known the pain only when stones are inserted into your private parts
With Rs 415 in bank it is virtually impossible for anyone to fight an election. Nobody would volunteer for her for fear of being branded as maoist. That's the reason why caste hindu continues to win in this tribal dominated constituency.
"Anybody fighting for justice will be tortured by the police and that is the situation in the socalled emerging superpower"
Nobody is calling India as an emerging superpower other than morons who do not understand what being a superpower means -- it means having an abundance of wealth generation and excess manufacturing capacity. Passing gas about socialist and communist and Nehruvian ideas that have failed India for 60 years is not going to make India even a regional power, let alone a superpower. If that was not the case, India would be a regional power taken seriously by its neighbours right now, but that is not the case.
The maoists are responsible for 1000s of death due to bomb blast and other terrorist acts in the Naxalite Areas -- Aam Aadmi Party is just whitewashing the terrorists and naxalites so they can create mayhem as part of the government, rather than outside it. The naxalite menace has reduced after a lot sacrifice by the armed forces and it is the likes of the far left-wing parties like Aam Aadmi that will create a resurgence in naxalite activity across India.
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