Two days before Modi’s statement, the night before Kejriwal landed in Varanasi, BJP workers at the Benares Hindu University distributed a pamphlet that said, “Kashi pooche paanch sawal (Kashi asks five questions)” and came to the same conclusion as Modi. That Kejriwal and friends, such as lawyer Prashant Bhushan, activist Medha Patkar, anti-nuclear activist S.P. Uday Kumar and jnu professor Kamal Mitra Chenoy were all agents of Pakistan. A picture of Osama bin Laden too graced the pamphlet. Terrorists, Pakistani agents, jehadi enemies of the nation, you get the message!
Certainly, the BJP is all charged up in Uttar Pradesh and complaints about this sort of pamphleteering is just water off a duck’s back. The party’s Varanasi office is buzzing at 8 pm. In one room sits the treasurer for 14 districts of Uttar Pradesh, Prem Kapoor, who admits to unprecedented collections and support. He makes light of the pamphlet and says the Bhagat Singh Kranti Sena has released it and “they are not formally the BJP”. Laxman Acharya, president of the Kashi BJP, says the main point is the people of Kashi believe they are voting for a prime minister. He reveals the preparations: hoardings across the city paid for by “well-wishers”, five video vans across the town, 15-20 cadres for each booth. Modi himself will come only early next month.
Photograph by Nirala Tripathi
Indeed, the Modi campaign in Varanasi is like well-oiled machinery. It is all things to all people. Many believe it is genuinely about a fantastic development model pursued by a man whose brand has been sold to them. Others say it would be good to get an MP who could be PM in a town that is falling apart on every indicator, where people survive amidst filth and garbage and a collapse of all infrastructure.
But the campaign is equally about asserting a strong Hindu identity, although that may not be how it is packaged. The Pappu chai shop, an institution on the Assi ghat, was once known for intellectual openness. It is now overtaken by BJP supporters who do not let others get a word in edge-wise. Rajnish Kumar Singh, a student leader, says that “when there was a lot of evil Shankarji came to Kashi. Aurangzeb also came to break a temple but it is the city of Shankar Bhagwan. Modi now comes as a doot of Shankar. If Kejriwal’s mission is to stop Shankar, then he is a force for evil.” Ashok Pandey, a state BJP spokesperson, says, “We will say Har Har Modi. He is an avatar of Shankar bhagwan. He is standing from every seat in India.”
Deepak Malik, retired bhu professor with an old Communist movement association, says years of party-watching have led him to conclude that the BJP is the most “intelligent” politically: “They systematically build strategies. They float an idea, withdraw it, they try another idea, then back it with cadre strength. They take different shapes and avatars and now they come with a well- packaged persona of Modi.” He believes the RSS has “carefully chosen the site of intervention into India’s democracy”.
The big political question, of course, is can a relative lightweight like Kejriwal really give Modi a fight? The SP and BSP candidates are not strong and the Congress is yet to announce its choice though there are rumours of Digvijay Singh entering the contest. In Varanasi, in the recent past, it is not the conventional parties but mafia don Mukhtar Ansari who has been a powerful force. In 2009, he had contested on a BSP ticket and given a tough fight to Murli Manohar Joshi, who finally won but by a small margin. Currently lodged in Agra jail, this time he will fight on his own platform, the Qaumi Ekta Dal. Athar Jamal Lari, the don’s man in Varanasi, says that “if leaders like Mulayam Singh are not wearing half pants under their dhotis, they should create an anti-Modi platform behind Mukhtarbhai. He’s the only one who can give a fight to Modi”.
Looming over Weaver Maqsood Alam’s wishes are for AAP’s Kejriwal this time. (Photograph by Nirala Tripathi)
The don has a Robin Hood-type image among the Muslim community—one of the largest voter blocks in the seat. They apparently see him as a “dabang-type” leader. Ansari will not be short of funds and muscle power. The BJP would also like to see him contest as it fits their stereotype of bad Muslim vs good Hindu.
Yet, early signs are that the Muslim community may view Ansari as a non- winning proposition as this time there is no BSP ticket and therefore no Dalit votebank to build on. Besides, many of them have begun to realise that a Mukhtar-type figure in the fray also suits the BJP as it’s easy for votes to polarise against him. Indeed, as Rashid Ansari, a shopkeeper says: “Why say that Mukhtar almost defeated M.M. Joshi? The fact is that bhai also ensured his win as Congress voters also came out for the BJP neta because they hated the Musalmaan.”
There is something tragic about the frenzied pursuit of the Muslim vote across UP, especially in Varanasi where the community remains both backward and besieged. There is a small prosperous merchant class among the Muslim weavers in this town but the majority are poor and illiterate. Indeed, they still do not send their children to school as they need them on the looms. At the most a few years in a madrassa and then a life spent in the ghettos, in narrow lanes, between garbage dumps and cramped houses where people sleep around their looms. It is their votes that will be so fiercely fought for again, with even the BJP producing the token Muslims from Gujarat to make the point that secularism is rubbish and the real model is Modi’s!
The fiver Saffron posers to Kejriwal
So how will Kejriwal play the game in this ancient land where caste and community have been the single-most powerful unit of mobilisation? By April 14, when the Delhi and Haryana elections are done, he will move to Varanasi to do a door-to-door campaign till voting day on May 12. He will be accompanied by many of AAP’s top leaders—Yogendra Yadav, Rakhi Birla, Manish Sisodia. Core committee member Sanjay Singh, in charge of the UP campaign (he’s from Sultanpur in the Awadh belt) says they are contesting all 80 seats but will put their might into Varanasi and Amethi.
And they will repeat the methods used in Delhi: a manifesto for the city, a personalised campaign, building up the local cadre, along with bringing in at the peak about 5,000 AAP volunteers into Varanasi. Like the BJP, the AAP too plans to have about 15 volunteers in each booth.
The AAP is working on the model of building a cadre committed to their ideas, who take time off and work for the party at their own costs. They live in houses provided for by benefactors and supporters. For instance, Sanjay Singh is living in a house packed with volunteers sleeping across the floor, sharing a common kitchen.
And although anti-corruption will be the thrust of Kejriwal’s campaign, there will be a targeting of specific castes and communities. For instance, there was a good response to the Kejriwal roadshow from the Valmiki samaj and AAP’s Dalit face Rakhi Birla will later campaign among them. Says Sanjay: “There will be abuse and attacks on us as the bjp’s working style is to intimidate people and call them anti-nationals...as if they have a patent on it. But we are prepared.”
In the short history of AAP, this is also the election when they will rely to a far greater extent on making specific community-centric appeals. At his rally in Varanasi, Kejriwal paused when it was time for the azaan and it was of some symbolic significance when he accepted a cap from a Muslim maulana (unlike Modi who refused it last year). Kejriwal also concluded the rally by breaking into an old Hindi film song about universal brotherhood.
But the real significance of Kejriwal’s fight will not be about secularism or whether he can appeal to Muslims, Dalits and the upper castes who oppose Modi. By attempting the apparently impossible task of trying to defeat the Gujarat CM, Kejriwal will be playing to a national audience and contesting the accepted and prevalent model of growth and development. He will insist on telling the people of Varanasi about Ambani and Adani and Gujarat’s flawed model. And he will be persistent and tenacious. He will be targeted, shown black flags, get some more ink and eggs thrown on him, be torn apart by the media. But he will have built AAP into a fighting force ready to charge into the most impossible battles with the odds stacked against them.
After all, as Kejriwal said quite pointedly at his Varanasi rally: “What is this stability that the media keeps talking about? Whose stability? Ambani ki stability?” He then went on to predict another election in a year from now. He has already provoked Modi into calling him that most famous of his insults—a Pakistani agent. That itself shows the level of irritation he’s caused in the man who looks so invincible.
It’s testing waters in Varanasi for Kejriwal (Once Upon an April in Kashi, Apr 7). How deep and strong the current?
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
Testing waters in Varanasi, how deep, how strong the current, how hot?
" .......short history of AAP, this is also the election when they will be.making specific community-centric appeals. " This from a party which calls itself SECULAR !!! No wonder SECULAR is used as a 4 letter word. "SECULARS" want somebody to somehow challenge Modi (defeating is not feasible) & even a Jailed Don is OK. He immediately becomes RobinHood & Dabang-Type Leader etc. Now their last hope is AK. Tch Tch Such a fall from grace!
@ Communalist - "Err, RSS is not a country"
@ Communalist - "Err, RSS is not a country"
If you want to quibble, so be it. Call them agents of the ISI instead of Paki agents.. After all, it is the ISI which calls the shots in a failed state called Pakistan.
Kejriwal-Dilli Ka Bhagoda -Raj Narayan BUFFOON of 2014 :)
6/D-106 @gayatri: "If Hindu appesers are called RSS agent so Muslim appesers can be called Paki agent."
Err, RSS is not a country.
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