Till 1975, relations between journalists and politicians had been cordial—perhaps too cordial. The Emergency turned that cordiality into what it has become today: adversarial.
Along the way, in 1987, another attempt was made to muzzle the press by Rajiv Gandhi through the Defamation Bill which sought to put severe penalties on journalists and newspapers for printing what the politicians believed was unfair criticism amounting to defamation. That effort boomeranged and the bill had to be withdrawn hastily in 1988. Rajiv had egg on his face.
But the tectonic change in the relationship happened in the last decade-and-a-half with the advent of 24x7 news television. I think it would be fair to say that in 2014, politicians across party lines loathe the press and are itching to tame it. When the Radia tapes scandal broke, implicating a large number of print and TV journalists, I found politicians, even from parties embarrassed by the disclosure, hugely enjoying the discomfiture of the media.
Media offices currently are abuzz with fantastic stories of how the likely new NDA government led by Narendra Modi will settle scores with those hacks Mr Modi and his party think interrogated the potential PM too aggressively and too consistently about his alleged crimes and misdemeanours in Gujarat. One or two casualties are already visible and, I understand, more will follow. The atmosphere is rife with fear and fright.
Perhaps, some of us in the business deserve Narendra Modi’s wrath. He is perfectly entitled to it. Politicians have long memories of journalists they consider hostile. Getting even is acceptable as long as it is done within prescribed norms. And in that, I include putting pressure on proprietors to make suitable editorial changes so that ‘friendly’ editors run media platforms.
No need to get outraged. All political parties at some time or the other have been guilty of committing the said ‘act’. I am not going to name names of those editors who got the chop courtesy proprietors not willing to take risks. That’s dangerous territory leading to the courts. I don’t wish to add to my vakalatnamas.
Editors cannot complain. Being sacked, rightly or wrongly, is a professional hazard—it goes with the job. And this is true all over the free world. One of the greatest editors of recent times, Harold Evans, has been out of work for nearly 35 years simply because he fell out with Rupert Murdoch; no other proprietor was ready to employ him after Murdoch’s thumbs down.
Here we come to a tricky issue. What is the ideal or even workable relationship between politicians and journalists in a free society? This is a subject I have visited before and I am happy to inform readers that my position remains unchanged. I believe it is positively dangerous for journalists and politicians to get too cosy, or become friends. In such a relationship, the odds always favour the politician. It is the journalist who gets ‘used’. Unfortunately, Indian journalists, especially Delhi journalists, consider becoming friends with a politician a great honour. They boast about it. If he happens to be a cabinet minister, the honour is doubled.
On a practical level, I made sure not to accept any ‘favours’. One favour leads to another and soon you are caught in a web of favours. Consequently, whenever I take a politician out to lunch, I always pay the bill.
I think I was still in Debonair or had just started The Observer in the early 1980s when Murli Deora sent me Diwali dry fruit, and for my wife, a rather expensive silk sari. Even at that early stage in my career, I faced no dilemma. I kept the dry fruit and politely returned the sari. I have followed that rule for 40 years.
My friend, the award-winning journalist Phillip Knightley, who was Harold Evans’s star reporter, told me of the rule Evans started for accepting Christmas presents in The Sunday Times. If someone sends you one bottle of whisky, accept it. If he sends you a case of whisky, return it. This way the journalist, without seeming to be a person of Gandhian rectitude, keeps his probity.
These days when you hear of journalists owning three or four properties, you know corruption has sunk deep into the profession. Why only editors, journalists much lower down in the hierarchy are sitting on farmhouses. I mention editors in particular because a corrupt editor corrupts his entire staff, he cannot enforce ‘honesty’ because he is dishonest himself. The reputation of the media today has suffered serious erosion.
I am not revealing any secrets when I say that presently the entire Indian media is polarised. You are either pro- or anti-Modi. No other space is available. Now, I am not one of those journalists who believes that in their quest for complete independence editors should become ideological eunuchs. Even if it was possible, it is not desirable. As editors, we must continue to be faithful to our biases and within that parameter exercise our professional judgement to decide what stance to take on any particular issue.
Unfortunately, since politicians and political parties love to pigeon-hole the media and deal with it accordingly, the independent journalist faces many extra-professional challenges. I can best explain this with my own case.
Alas, for these polarised times, my position was taken as a copout, some dastardly trick. You must belong to one camp or the other for politicians to feel comfortable with you. As a result, the role of the media and the role of editors/journalists in these hot summer months has been harrowing.
After having read the writing on the wall—which says Modi will be the next PM—what posture should the media have adopted during the critical weeks? After all, the writing on the wall, however clear, does not demand we drop our guard or critical faculties. Also, it does not mean we join the pack. Remember, we owe no responsibility to the netas, our responsibility first and foremost is to the people of India—who on the basis of what they hear and read make up their mind. I have no mantra, but here are a few suggestions:
Whatever position he finally takes, he can be sure he will receive abuse either for being a lackey or for being a turncoat. That, however, is the least of his worries. Abuse can sometimes be comforting for the dissident hack, all he can hope for is some wit to accompany it.
But I have a question for our rulers and would-be rulers, especially those who keep swearing their allegiance to the free media. Do they not have any responsibility to respect dissident opinion; must it always be motivated? Politicians as a tribe always suspect the dissident of being a spy from the enemy camp or an incorrigible ideological opponent. Nevertheless, the media has to do its job, however bitter and vitiated the environment. It has to take the bouquets as well as the brickbats.
The great strength of the free Indian media is its diversity. Except for the extreme left and the extreme right, all other canons are represented. These multiplicities clash, they cancel each other out, frequently offering no coherent picture. We must not shirk from presenting doubt and confusion if that is the prevailing reality in the country. One of my favourite anecdotes concerns the legendary journalist and broadcaster, Alistair Cooke. He met Nehru at the UN and told him: “When I became a journalist I was taught there were two sides to every story. But I find frequently there are four or five sides to a story.” Panditji replied, “Alastair, welcome to the Hindu view of truth.” The great American journalist sage, Walter Lippmann, once said, “The theory of the free press is not that the truth will be printed in any one instance, but the truth will emerge from multiple sources.” Thank God India has multiple sources.
What’s my verdict on how the media has covered the Dance of Democracy 2014? It has been opaque, shambolic, inconsistent, ear-splitting, duplicitous, over the top, revealing, sly, half-true and, occasionally, exemplary. In other words, it has reflected perfectly the way political parties fought Election 2014. What more could you ask for?
Give Modi a chance, Mr Mehta (Media: The Turn of the Phrase, May 12)? Even before he’s been elected, Lucknow’s feeling the ‘Modi effect’. The air is filled with tension, there’s increased hostility between communities, a festive triumphalism among the Hindu middle class while the minorities cringe. The BJP rank and file is already preaching that Muslims will be “put in their place” soon. Welcome to Lucknow, the new Ahmedabad.
Steven Boyd, Lucknow
Mr Mehta, journalists should not change their positions just because they think Modi will win, though they can if he performs better than anyone expected him to. Although this will be difficult too, since Modi can have pious intentions, but his government could be utterly adharmic.
While accepting that “the atmosphere is rife with fear and fright”, a journalist worth his pen needs to challenge the fear too. Every job has its occupational hazards. Mehtaji, Modi may, in all probability, ask you to bend but even before that you’ve decided to crawl.
V.N.K. Murti, Pattambi
Mr Mehta, despite your strong views and distinct biases, your professional integrity cannot be doubted. It is sad that you took so long to give Modi a fair chance.
Krishna Moorthy, Chennai
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
UPA-1 was as big a disaster as UPA-2. Pseudo-Seculars and news traders are allowing Congress to get away by distorting facts. Coal Scam, 2G, Agusta Westland all started during UPA-1 itself, just that it was exposed during UPA-2.
Congress escaped by blaming CPI-M and they were made to pay the electoral price for all problems of UPA-1 like not passing reforms and Congress was allowed to get away by paid media in name of passing nuclear deal.
Lucknow now has become a bastion of the RSS,many of its middle class citizens, consist of the refugees from Pakistan who occupied the thousands of Muslims businesses when these were allotted to them after the Muslims fled Lucknow in 1947.''
Oh my dear Steven
How can be that ? Not at all possible .
Our Lucknow Boy Mr Mehta is a Refugee from Pak .
I hope you are not saying our Lucknow Boy Mehta ji has too joined RSS .
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