History does have a sense of irony. This election has been about Narendra Modi doing an Indira Gandhi; it’s also held out the promise of Modi ridding India, once and for all, of a toxic Indira-Gandhianism, and of a political legacy that crippled the UPA government.
In many senses, the election of 2014 resembled that of 1971. The superficial similarities were remarkable. Both elections were dominated by muscular personalities who not just grabbed national attention but redefined and reshaped their parties, taking on and marginalising an old guard. Both elections were presidential in that there was one strong candidate and virtually no serious opponent.
Both elections were astonishingly misread by the press/media, which predicted a hung or indecisive mandate or even a defeat for the eventual winner. Both elections saw the principal protagonist selling a dream—‘garibi hatao’ in Indira Gandhi’s case; the promise of a middle-class society in Modi’s.
But that final comparison also offers a clue to the fundamental difference between the two appeals. About everything that Modi has offered his voter in this campaign, for every commitment he has made and every idea he has floated has been the antithesis of the Indira years. The election of 1971 came early in Indira’s annus mirabilis, in a year capped by victory in the Bangladesh war. Even so, memories of that military success often mask the essential tragedy of the Indira age.
The Indira who won the 1971 election represented the high noon of a populist and ultimately wasteful socialism. She nationalised industries and stifled entrepreneurialism. She superimposed a centralised polity on what was a diverse and federalised society. She sanctified a Delhi-based Supreme Leader and a matching Delhi-centric apparatus—packed with fellow travellers—that told states what to do. In turn, she told the people she would think for them.
She nurtured crony businessmen and sustained a family cult. She created a culture of handouts and loan melas. She fostered an environment of fear and anxiety, seeking to transfer her personal insecurities to a larger society and projecting her adversaries as the nation’s enemies. She glorified a Fortress India mentality. The obsession with the ‘foreign hand’ and the excesses of the Emergency were natural corollaries.
In all this, it needs to be said that Indira invented the modern Congress party. The entity she founded bore little resemblance to the party that had taken India to freedom or the institution her father had led in the 1950s. Several elements of the architecture of the Indira Congress, as enunciated in the two preceding paragraphs, outlived her.
If you consider the failures and the sheer egregiousness of the UPA—Sonia and Rahul Gandhi’s refusal to cede authority but not take responsibility either; the doles and giveaways mission that sought to bribe voters; the declaration of businessmen as hate figures to be mocked and kept at a distance, and in the dark of the night, milked; the designing of unworkable social sector programmes by Delhi-based ideological warriors who dictated terms to the states—these can be traced back to the dna of Indira’s Congress.
In 2014, Modi attacked and triumphed over not just the UPA and the Congress of today, not just Sonia and Rahul (and lest we forget, Manmohan Singh) but actually the Congress ecosystem that was Indira’s gift. He spoke of making states partners of a central government and transferring powers to them. He spoke of jobs and not doles. He spoke of harnessing the energies of young India and to open up to the world.
He told Indian businessmen, even a gathering of traders, to prepare for global challenges and to spend on innovation in an era of globalisation. He spoke of trade and GDP growth being both goals and tools of foreign policy. He painted a picture of an India at peace with itself, filled with happy, prosperous families, each pursuing its own dream. He talked of not an overwhelming state but of “maximum governance, minimum government”.
Has Modi over-promised and will he succeed? We will know in five years. What we do know already though is that he has broken the back of the Indira legacy. Thanks to Modi, India has finally accepted that Indira-Gandhianism—or its epigone versions, Sonia-Gandhianism and a caricature Rahul-Gandhianism—is past its sell-by date.
It has taken India’s most compelling national politician since Indira to win posterity’s argument with her. India has given up a ’70s ghost, buried that nightmare as a more confident, even brash generation has elected a government it thinks speaks its language, uses its idiom, understands its instincts and is alive to its ambitions. Everything else is detail.
The author, a journalist, has been writing on the BJP for two decades
Amidst all the fearmongering in Outlook, Ashok Malik’s Maximum Modi was refreshing.
Gandhar, on e-mail
This piece in Outlook? Is it deserting the Nehru-Gandhis and all they represent?
Narayan G.N., Mumbai
Has Outlook changed its editorial policy?
The grin on Rahul’s face after the Congress rout makes me wonder if he, like a reluctant royal, is feeling relieved at being spared the burden of duty.
India needed to rediscover its base, its core value. For long, a Congress regime that lost its way had reduced Indians to impotence. Now, India will regain the respect it deserves.
Prakash, Harrow, UK
The Congress is toying with the idea of pushing Priyanka into a political role only because she resembles her grandmother Indira.
S.S. Nagaraj, Bangalore
The decline and fall of the Dynasty should pave the way for a stronger Congress party!
R.V. Subramanian, Gurgaon
It is quite natural for seasoned capitalists like Ashok Malik, sitting in airconditioned rooms, to criticise the pro-poor policies of the Congress. You have no idea of the life of the poor and what policies work for them. This Gujarat model of development is going to go bust, and after that people like Malik will be hiding in the bushes.
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
Have often wondered whether Ashok Malik or Swapan Dasgupta will be Media Advisor to the PM ! On a more serious note, between 1971 and 2014 lay 1991, the year not just of our economic reforms but the collapse of the Soviet Union and the coming down of many walls. After that, there ought not to have been any going back. More than personalities, the forces of globalisation have washed over our shores and they have been, never mind the jholawallahs, largely benign.
India needed to rediscover it's base, it's core value. It now has the greatest opportunity. India was great and can regain it's preeminence once the conditions are created. Regretably, Congress had lost it's way and nearly made all Indians "Naphusanks". Now that the correct Government is there a real India will come through and regain it's respect.
well Mr.ashok malik given to your loyalties for bjp and modi its quite natural for seasonal capitalist frogs like you to criticize socialist pro poor policies of indira gandhi.for people like you sitting in ac room have no idea of life of poor and what politics work for them.sooner or later this gujrat model going to burst then would b hiding in bushes so better do shit non sense.
Bravo Ashok. Bravo.
The grin on the face of Rahul at times of grim makes me wonder if he, like a reluctant royal, was feeling a relieved man at the congress defeat thus sparing him the burden of royal duties dreamt by his mom? He is that typical 9-5 politician who enjoys all goodies of life but not the burden of any serious responsibility.
Actually there is nothing to show that can be called his real achievement. Yet mom wanted him become nothing less than PM. Even hereditary royals like the Windsors undertake risky military duties and move about with the commoners to get to know the ground reality but not this Pappu.
Hats off to the Indian electorate who could see through the empty leadership pretensions of this hallowed imbecile. He is pathetically poor even in his acting for the galleries.The white skin that fetched the Nehru family votes has proved a waste with pappu!!
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