Modi belongs to the Ghanchi (oil miller and trader) community, listed as an OBC in Gujarat, but relatively well off and integrated with the savarna communities. For instance, most housing colonies with an unwritten code allowing only savarnas to dwell there have no problems admitting Ghanchis. But in its desperation to woo the OBC vote, crucial in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, the party is projecting him there as an EBC leader. Since EBCs are chosen by states as the worse-off on the OBC list, this is as abject an attempt at hardselling backwardness as there was one. The UP party unit has even been organising district-level EBC conclaves and its spokesman Lautam Ram Nishad has been fuming against the creamy layer OBCs running away with government sops, leaving the EBCs at a loss.
The desperation to play up Modi as an EBC has created some strategic problems. Insiders say the Modi camp fears this might alienate the more numerous OBCs. Some say it might foul the (rumoured) deal between BJP president Rajnath Singh and the Samajwadi Party chief Mulayam Singh Yadav. (Yadavs are OBCs.) Says an OBC leader of the BJP, “Didn’t SP withdraw its candidate against Rajnath in Ghaziabad during the last election?” Given the distrust between the Modi camp and the BJP chief, it’s being alleged that Rajnath is settling old scores with Modi.
Meanwhile, the ‘backward push’ continues. Some leaders are demanding a posthumous Bharat Ratna for Kanshi Ram, the late BSP leader, to project a newfound love for Dalits; in Bihar, Rajnath discovered striking similarities between Modi and the late Karpoori Thakur. And in collecting iron for Modi’s grand Sardar Patel statue, the BJP is projecting the Sardar as a Kurmi leader, conflating the vague lines between land-owners and tillers that vary from region to region to suit its purpose. And while it hopes Modi’s personality cult will make candidates immaterial, the party is struggling to striking the caste balance in choosing candidates. It’s also hamstrung by a lack of OBC leaders. There’s Kalyan Singh and Uma Bharati, but they are seen as spent forces.
Also unnerving cadres is the delay in finalising candidates, caused by intense infighting. Plans were to have a list by January-end. It was argued that delaying the list for the Delhi assembly polls had led to bad results, and that an early announcement would energise party workers for the campaign. But with February drawing to a close, the list still eludes them. Ideally, the party would like to dump many of the 12 MPs from Bihar and 10 MPs from UP. But it has been advised to hold the decision to stall malcontents and mischief-makers. In the process, it’s unable to give a headstart to those it wants to retain.
Many sitting MPs are looking for safer seats. Rajnath, who won from Ghaziabad in 2009, is said to be one. If party insiders are to be believed, his camp had floated the idea that he should fight from Lucknow. But the incumbent MP, Lalji Tandon, is adamant that he would give up the seat only if Modi decides to contest from there. But despite speculation that Modi would be contesting from either Varanasi or Lucknow, such an announcement, if at all, is expected closer to the election.
The party’s decision to welcome into its fold former bureaucrats like retired home secretary R.K. Singh and former Mumbai police commissioner Satyapal Singh and field them from key constituencies has also run into heavy weather. Disappointed local aspirants are suspected to be responsible for the hostile reception received by Satyapal Singh at Baghpat. The reception by the local BJP unit at Arrah in Bihar to R.K. Singh was also reported to be cold.
It is in this backdrop that RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat spent five days this month holed up in Varanasi. His terse message to the BJP: Stop being complacent, put the house in order, unite and put an end to the infighting. Right now, the party with a difference does not seem so different from others after all.
Reading Idea for UP: Enter, NaMo the Backward (Mar 3), it seems to me that the fear of Modi has struck right at the heart of Outlook.
Vaibhav Shrivastava, on e-mail
There’s no caste divide in north India, and people from all castes have been given equal importance by all parties. It’s just the imagination of the writer that a particular party is dominated by a certain caste. The complex realities of politics sometimes eludes the simple categories of the media.
Keshav Kumar Prasad, Pune
As elections approach, we’ll be seeing more such desperate articles. You guys can’t help writing anti-Modi articles despite knowing that such articles have only intensified the zeal of his supporters and increased their numbers too.
P.B. Joshipura, Suffolk, US
Casteism is the cancer of Indian society and must be eliminated in its entirety. If abusing and humiliating a person because of his caste amounts to casteism, so does giving him an advantage over others in jobs or in college admissions.
Asad-ul Gaba, Baroda
You are always after Narendra Modi, the BJP, the RSS and those connected with Hindutva. There’s a limit to baiting. Enough is enough, stop this baiting week after week in your magazine. Write something that is good for the nation and not about this or that particular person.
Parthasarathi S., Mysore
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
As the election approaches, you will see more and more such desperation articles. They can't help, eventhough they know with every attack Modi is getting more and more popular. They keep on doubling the bet like a losing gambler.
We have JUNK FOOD and JUNK JOURNALISM, Uttam SenGupta excels in latter. Absoute garbage, nothing sensible and simple failure to detect the massive public anger against UPA misgovernance and their eagerness to vote for the only real alternative to UPA tyranny.
"In its desperation to woo the OBC vote, BJP is projecting Modi in UP and Bihar as an EBC leader". Uttam Sengupta
Just like Rahul/congress is selling itself as a anti- corruption party!
this is utter nonsense, what sengupta will understand , he is neither a bihari nor an UP walla. Comments by the people from other states has no importance, it is just for the academic interest and filling the extra pages of the magazine.There is no cast divide in the northern states, People from all caste have been given equal representation by all the parties, it is just the imagination of the reporters that a particular party is dominated by certain caste.
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