What befell the Jan Lokpal movement was no different from what has happened to a score of popular movements, including such irrepressible ones as the Narmada Bachao Andolan, the anti-POSCO movement, the anti-nuclear plant agitation and the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sangathan. Anyone who tries to effect a fundamental change in any one aspect of our public life will have to take on politics. Medha Patkar and Aruna Roy realised that the only way to get the marginal voices heard was to organise protests and exert pressure, in other words, “do politics”. If politics is about shifting the balance of power in a society, then not resorting to politics is not an option. Politics is the yugdharma of the times we live in.
Perhaps Anna won’t dispute it. His real question—and it’s one voiced by many in the social movement space—is: why form a party? Why can’t we continue doing politics the way we have: through protests, agitations, representations and negotiations, instead of directly entering party politics? Clearly, it would be short-sighted to overlook the substantial achievements won by social movements that have adopted this method. We owe some of the most progressive measures of our times—Right to Information, Forests Rights Act and, to some extent, NREGA and Right to Education—to this indirect mode of doing politics. It must continue. At the same time, it is hard to not notice the limits of this method: its success depends upon the very political class that so often is the source of the problem. Given a favourable situation, the indirect path succeeds. More often than not, it doesn’t. The demand for a parliamentary act providing basic security to unorganised labour has been hanging for more than two decades. Besides, this route is not viable if the goal is to bring about a fundamental change—one that might threaten the interests of the political class. This Parliament is unlikely to pass any legislation that controls the education mafia, not to speak of the big corporates that fund all political parties. In other words, movement politics is necessary but insufficient; in itself it can only be the second-best option. For those who dare to think big and press for fundamental systemic changes, there is no substitute for a political instrument of their own.
This is where the other and more difficult set of questions come in. Is it possible to move away from the high command style of ticket distribution that makes leaders unresponsive to their own workers and supporters? Changing this structure is not going to be easy. The proposed party seeks to make a radical departure from existing practice. The basic idea (as articulated in a document released along with the vision statement) is to institute a ‘primary’ where the candidate is selected by the party workers in the locality, not by the party’s central or state leadership. At least six months before the elections, the party will solicit nominations, asking for details of public service, assets, criminal records etc. These will be verified; false declarations and dubious records (communal, criminal and corrupt activities or character deficits) will be screened out. The remainder will be encouraged to reach a consensus, failing which all party members from the constituency will vote to elect their candidate. We do not know how well this system will work. But there is good reason to believe someone who has ‘won’ her ticket from her constituents is more likely to be responsive to them. ANAs must look at this possibility.
What about resources for elections? Clearly, the new party will simply never have (or need) the resources to ‘buy’ votes. (The going rate is anything from Rs 500 to Rs 1,000 per vote) The real question is whether it can muster enough resources to contest the elections seriously and remain a visible and viable option for an ordinary voter. The ‘upper limit’ of expenses set by the EC is about the minimum that any candidate needs to spend on legitimate and necessary campaign activities. Securing that level of funding is not going to be easy, but it is not impossible if there is public sympathy. Ordinary voters do not say no to money, but they do not necessarily vote for those who offer it either. Or else the incumbents should never lose elections. And once in a while, as in 1977, resourcelessness can become the most valued political asset.
Finally, how do we ensure the members and leaders of the party won’t themselves be corrupted? And how do we assure the people that the elected representatives of this party will behave differently? To begin with, this new party has proposed a code of conduct for all office-bearers and candidates: they have to declare their assets, must not be involved in criminal activity, in spreading caste or communal hatred, or engage in exploitation of women or drug abuse. There is also a proposal for additional codes for elected representatives: no lal batti, no claptrap of security, no big official bungalows, no use of discretionary quotas of schemes like MPLADS. To be sure, a code of conduct isn’t a novel idea though the proposed rules for elected representatives improve on existing practice.
Where the proposed party makes a radical departure from all others is in its provision of an independent and powerful mechanism for investigation and action concerning violations of the code of conduct for office-bearers and elected representatives. The proposal is to have an internal Lokpal, a committee of retired judges independent of the party leadership, to whom any citizen can bring complaints about violations by a party office-bearer or elected representative. This Lokpal will then make its investigation, examine if there is a prima facie case and if so recommend appropriate action. These recommendations shall be binding on the party. This provides, perhaps, the strongest anti-graft mechanism within a political party that we know of.
Does this guarantee a corruption-free democratic party? Of course not. Rules can be bent, constitutions can be amended, institutions can be misused and authorities can be compromised. There is no mechanism that can deliver clean and good politics by itself, unless there’s political will and popular vigil. Democracy offers no guarantees. Searching for foolproof solutions can be self-defeating. Democracy must live by the belief that ordinary citizens have not sold their soul, at least not in perpetuity. A democrat cannot but trust his people.
(Senior Fellow at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies in New Delhi, Yogendra Yadav has been associated with several people’s movements in the last three decades and is currently active with the proposed new party)
Yogendra Yadav hardly gets anything right in his political analysis (Ethical Cleansing, Not Ritual Purity, Oct 15). If anti-corruption crusaders do form a political party, they will do worse than eating into Opposition votes: they’ll end up helping the Congress win.
Harish Vidya, London
If the system is to be changed and reformed, the wrecking ball has to swing into it from outside. Some are trying to change and reform it from within. I wish them luck. The bull has to wreck the china shop—except that in the Indian china shop everything is made of stone and won’t break so easily.
Arun Maheshwari, Bangalore
Robert Vadra should know that we may be “mango people”, but we certainly aren’t rotten apples like him.
Arun Sathaye, Indore
It’s wiser to invest through a systematic investment plan than at one go. Vadra knows this well. He’s garnering the benefits of being ‘first family’ slowly and systematically.
Samir K. Jha, Chandigarh
I’m in desperate need of a small loan—about Rs 65 crore, that’s all. I recently learnt that a certain dlf company is providing both loans and five- and six-room apartments to those in need but too busy working out and holidaying to find time for work. Might they help out?
Yogeet Sharma, on e-mail
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
Is Sonia herself is a pawn in sb else's hands. Her masters found that her ship is sinking and soon will touch bottom and will never come up. They projected a new pawn to dig the hole in the ship bigger and so gain publicity, public attention and popularity. Mind they play very long game. They have cheated us in the past the same way through Sonia, Anthony, MMS and babloo. First make aura round an individual's (they choose very carefully and wait long for right time) face and then rule, loot and molest. Their mouthpieces madhu and others already on the job. These people never change their masters but are used to build or destroy reputation of pawns Blind faith on anyone may be suicidal for us.
Robert Vadra should know that Mango (Aam) is King of India. We may be Mango (Aam) People (Aadmi) but we are the best of the Aam (Mango). We Indians are certainly not rotten Apples.
The wrecking ball to reform the system has to be held from the outside. Good luck to him but I don't think there is anyway to reform the system from the inside. You cannot make it implode from the inside - you will either be co-opted or ejected from the system. Of course, you are like a Bull in a China shop but the Indian parliament isn't a China shop of fragile items - it is quite a hardered bunch of very shrewd street smart guys.
Finally, it is about people - they have to draw the red lines as a collective, crossing which has career threatening impact to the one (in this case the neta) crossing. Anna and team were getting the red line about corruption on the agenda until they seem to have lost the plot - or the street smart governing class did them in. Today elections are still about affinities like caste, and religion, so the red lines just aren't there.
A CORRUPT SOCIETY WITH CORRUPT INDIVIDUALS TRYING TO FIGHT CORRUPTION BRINGS ABOUT MORE CORRUPTION !
This thing Yadav is such a pathetic political 'analyst', he hardly ever gets anything right. In the current instance, sure, form a political party, eat into opposition votes and help the Con gress party, with it's solid rif raff vote base to retain power. To gain credibility, these things will rake up UPA corruption in the safe knowledge that this will not make an iota of difference to the solid Con gress vote bank. This is how dirty politics works!
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