Fast In A Snapshot
Twenty days before he completes a decade as the chief minister of Gujarat, and on the occasion of his birthday, Narendra Modi decided to emerge a new man. The Supreme Court ‘reprieve’ in one of the 2002 Gujarat riots cases just five days before came at the perfect moment for his reincarnation. There would be no apology for the riots, but he would fast for peace. Hence his three-day ‘sadbhavana mission’.
Loaded with the twin purpose of an image makeover and self-projection as a serious claimant to the centrestage of national politics, this was Modi’s attempt to appear “inclusive, secular and pro-development”. Many saw it as Modi trying to do an Advani, that is, a belated course correction. Six years earlier, the senior BJP leader had attempted to redeem himself by calling Jinnah secular while visiting his birthplace in Karachi. Circa 2011, Modi chose his home ground, Gujarat, as his road to redemption. And though his party colleagues in Delhi had reservations about his prime ministerial ambitions, they could not afford not to show their solidarity with Modi’s sadbhavana cause.
Not everyone, however, bought Modi’s change of heart. Many dismissed the fast as a PR exercise. It created a sense of unease among senior BJP leaders who are wary of Modi, and left local party leaders confused. The RSS and the larger Sangh parivar were cut up that they were not even consulted before Modi finalised his sadbhavana programme. The average Muslim, who has been denied justice, remains suspicious of Modi’s sudden secular overtures. Modi might have drafted the perfect script, but things didn’t quite go according to it.
“It’s status quo for him,” says a senior BJP leader. “If he hasn’t really lost anything by this secular projection, he hasn’t gained much either.” Party insiders were in no doubt about Modi’s intent: to project a secular image for acceptance by a national audience and then a pitch for the prime ministerial job in 2014. “This explains the presence of Muslims who were persuaded to come to the venue. With the reprieve from the Supreme Court, which ruled that it would no longer monitor the case filed by the widow of slain Congress MP Ehsan Jafri, Modi thought it was the right moment,” says a BJP leader.
The Muslim presence in Modi’s sadbhavana mission was indeed hard to miss. The ground had been laid ahead of the fast when advertisements were placed in Urdu dailies in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar: “Aapko mera salaam. Aapki tamannaon ke bal par main aaj se sadbhavana mission ke saath roza upvas ko aagah kar raha hoon (Keeping your desires in mind, today I am embarking on a roza fast with this mission)”.
As the fast progressed, young and old Muslims, men in skullcaps and women in burkhas, trooped up on the stage to meet Modi. Maulvis and Sufi saints marked their presence too. Former deputy municipal commissioner Z.A. Sacha added a touch of fancy dress to the pro-minority show, as he landed on the stage dressed as an Arab! Cries of Allah-o-Akbar reverberated on the first day at the convention centre of Gujarat University where the fast was held.
This aberration in sadbhavana apart, Modi’s outreach to the Muslim left the BJP worker at the grassroots level confused. As a Gujarat BJP leader put it, “Modi invites Muslims in huge numbers to his programme to show that he is secular. The worker is confused. He doesn’t know what to make of the pro-Hindu image of the last 10 years that we have worked hard on. The Muslims in Gujarat will never vote for the BJP and Modi. The CM knows that. Narendrabhai has taken the gamble with his eye on the 2014 Lok Sabha polls and prime ministership.”
However, neither the BJP leadership in New Delhi nor the RSS is ready to acknowledge Modi as a national leader. Nitin Gadkari’s line that the BJP will not have any pre-poll prime ministerial candidate in 2014 is actually the RSS line. Modi has over the last 10 years carefully and calculatedly finished the entire RSS and VHP in Gujarat. The fear is that he would do the same to the Sangh and the party if he came to New Delhi.
Not so fast Mallika Sarabhai feeds the poor to Modi’s fast. (Photograph by Jitender Gupta)
And New Delhi was very much on Modi’s mind and words through his mission. Over the three days of his fast, he had third-rung leaders rally for him as the best candidate for the prime minister’s job. He put a final stamp on this intention in his speech on the last day of his fast when he said that he could give a vision to the nation just as he had done for Gujarat.
Interestingly, senior leaders—L.K. Advani, Sushma Swaraj and Arun Jaitley—did not even once mention a national role for Modi in their speeches at Ahmedabad. Advani began by saying, “I did not want to speak at this function. I told Modi that you should speak, not me. But he told me I must say a few words.” The point delivered subtly, Advani credited Modi for praise from the US Congressional Research Service in its latest report (see interview). Even Sushma Swaraj hinted in her eulogy for Modi that the good work be confined to Gujarat. “Narendrabhai,” she said, “you keep at your work. All of us are with you. The whole of Gujarat is with you.” The wedge within the party over the top job is all too visible. The self-projection also precipitated the question of Modi’s acceptance within the NDA. Bihar chief minister Nitish Kumar was rather terse, saying he didn’t have to “comment on each and every fast by the BJP”, that the JD(U) alliance with the BJP didn’t extend to Gujarat, and that they would respond to the BJP’s PM candidate “only when they announce it”.
But whether or not sadbhavana mission helps Modi emerge as BJP’s prime ministerial candidate, has it at least served to change the communal perception of him? The tentativeness of Modi’s Muslim affection remains a cause for concern. “For 10 years,” says social activist Hanif Lakdawala, “Hindus thought he stood by them. Now, he is wooing Muslims even as he ensures that not even central welfare schemes for Muslims get implemented in Gujarat. This sadbhavana mission was a tamasha. And Muslims are not taking kindly to his obvious returning of the skullcap that the Imam of Prara offered him.”
“The propaganda was powerful, but not successful,” says political commentator Achyut Yagnik. “It was a political gimmick. The presence of Muslims at the convention centre had little impact on the politics of the state. After all, the Muslims who attended the programme were primarily Khojas, Memons and Bohras—all mercantile Muslim communities who have tended to be Modi supporters. But the detention of the riot victims in Naroda Patiya on the second day of the fast dented the secular image that Modi was trying to build. It brought back the focus on the riot victims of 2002.”
It was this detention that was the undoing of sadbhavana in Modi’s mission. Barely 30 hours into his fast for unity, Modi’s extra-cautious state machinery rounded off and detained riot victims, eager to present an open letter to the CM. This prompted activist Mallika Sarabhai to remark that “it’s not sadbhavana but ‘sad’ bhavana on Modi’s part”. At the end of the day, Modi did get a lot of media attention. But his secular debut was not entirely convincing. Perhaps he needs to do a lot more than go on fasts and deliver pretty speeches if he has to reach out to Muslims in Gujarat and the rest of the country.
I am glad Narendra Modi was denied a visa to the US; it is exactly due to our love of politicians like him that India is still a Third World country (Clothes Maketh a Man, Oct 3). Muslims are an integral part of India and our history. All the talk of Muslims being repatriated to Pakistan is nothing but the small-mindedness of a few Indians. There are about 20 million Hindus who were born outside of India, in South America, the Caribbean, South Africa, Fiji, etc; how about we repatriate them to India? Take them away from the only home they have ever known? Modi will have to explain himself at some point, he does not have a chance in hell of becoming the prime minister.
Vikram Rao, New York City
The anti-Sikh riots had the tacit approval of well nigh the entire Hindu community, not just “the Congress workers”. In fact, in the ’84 elections in Gujarat, the Congress returned to power with 128 seats, its biggest victory, bigger than the bjp post-2002 riots. This shows that the people of Gujarat have always had a communal attitude towards minorities. I have seen with my own eyes Sikhs in Mumbai and Gujarat being beaten up and lynched in public, with the police just watching. We had Sikhs hiding in Muslim localities or dressing up as Muslims to save ourselves from fanatical Hindu mobs. It’s up to the majority Hindu community to cure this lurking sickness within itself—we certainly don’t want to turn into a Hindu version of Pakistan.
I don’t think there was any need for Modi to go on a fast to appease Muslims. Rather than worry about the 18-20 per cent of the Muslim vote, he should perhaps concentrate on the remaining 80 per cent.
Mahesh Babbar, Delhi
The sit headed by ex-CBI head R.K. Raghavan is responsible for the present confusion in the riots case trials. First, he defined the SC order as a mere inquiry: Q&A sessions with the accused. His excuse was that as an fir has not been filed, he has no powers for custodial interrogation and collecting of evidence. Now, all of a sudden, the Supreme Court has dumped the matter in a lower court, asking it to go ahead without first ordering that an fir be filed. What is the use of producing this inquiry material before the district judge at the chargesheet level without an fir or further statutory ‘investigation’? This is sheer miscarriage of justice.
A. Patrawala, Surat
Riots are periods of madness when mobs indulge in the grossest form of indiscriminate violence. Such events have occurred far too often in our recent history, hundreds of them perhaps in our own lifetime all across the country. In such a situation, I can’t understand how justice can even be deemed possible.
Suresh Kamath, Edison, US
Apropos your article Clothes Maketh a Man (Oct 3), Narendra Modi’s fast in the name of “sadbhavana” only shows his desperation to be in the race for prime ministership. But he is too deeply dyed in Hindutva wool to have popular appeal. His public refusal of a skullcap offered by a Muslim religious leader shows the depth of his sadbhavana. In a secular democracy like India, popularity will not come to anyone who refuses to acknowledge and accept the minorities as enriching parts of the whole.
Niloy Kumar Roy, Calcutta
‘Wash a piece of coal a hundred times, but it will not lose its blackness’ is a Sanskrit saying that might well apply to Narendra Modi.
Atin Gupta, on e-mail
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
Sister Anita's accusation against Hindus is biassed. As a South Indian NCC Officer during the sixties I had moved with many Sikhs and found no bias against them amongst Hindu officers. They were held in high esteem and friendship. So the demand for their own Sikh State came as a shock to me even though it was couched in liguistic terms, Punjabi Suba. What do they expect in return - Love? As a matter of fact, even now, Sikhs are migrating to many parts of India, and to my knowledge, they are not discrimianted against. Sikhs forget that they were more or less the fighting arm of the Hindus and that every Hindu family gifted at least one son to the new faith.
the RSS will prove to be a millstone in the BJP's neck. it is high time the party decides to the agenda-- hardcore hindutva or moderation. dill dallying with the sangh parivaar will not help. modi is the undisputed king of BJP today and rallying around him will be beneficial--- not the bickerings!
>>"Your words sound like you are a moron. The very fact the word liberal was put in inverted comas should have been clear to even idiots. Next time instead of lecturing others on how to choose words, read words carefully." 85. RSM
Sarcasm is better when uttered with emphasis on tone for a wisecrack than in the written form. More often than not, an exclamation mark at the end of the written sentence does the trick. Now that you explained, I guess I missed the sarcasm.
>>It sounds more as an approving statement than the sarcasm RSM thinks it is. Words are like a camera that captures your image with or without a scull cap but not your feelings inside. Choose words carefully; people
Your words sound like you are a moron. The very fact the word liberal was put in inverted comas should have been clear to even idiots. Next time instead of lecturing others on how to choose words, read words carefully.
>>"I know, as a person meeting Indian 'liberal' standards, such noble thoughts are perfectly legitimate." 75. RSM.
It sounds more as an approving statement than the sarcasm RSM thinks it is. Words are like a camera that captures your image with or without a scull cap but not your feelings inside. Choose words carefully; people read your words and know you the way you express yourself.
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