For many observers of post-liberalisation India, the two images above epitomise the way business is done here. They show Mukesh and Anil Ambani arriving at (or leaving) meetings with top government officials in quiet sandstone offices in Lutyens’ Delhi. Such ‘courtesy calls’ signal the enormous hold the two multi-billion dollar industrialists have traditionally had on politics and government, on ‘managing the environment’ to grow their businesses.
But recently, the direct attacks on the Ambani brothers reflect the cracks that have appeared in this government-business relationship. Anti-corruption crusaders Arvind Kejriwal and Prashant Bhushan followed up a stinging attack on Mukesh Ambani’s role in Jaipal Reddy’s exit from the petroleum ministry with an expose on the Ambani brothers’ HSBC Swiss bank accounts. Though denied by both Mukesh and Anil, it is interesting that out of all the names Kejriwal mentioned relating to Swiss bank accounts, theirs have stolen the spotlight.
All these allegations by themselves may not be surprising to most. Some would even argue that Reliance’s legendary ability to ‘manage the environment’ has diminished after Dhirubhai Ambani’s death and the subsequent split in the Ambani empire. But they would agree that like the recent attacks on Robert Vadra and the Gandhi family, civil society’s focus on the Ambanis is, willy-nilly, taking on some holy cows.
This open season on the Ambanis comes after both brothers have, in recent years, been identified as totem poles of crony capitalism, even conspicuous consumption. Take the brouhaha over Antilia, Mukesh Ambani’s billion-dollar home in Mumbai. Or the involvement of Anil Ambani’s officials in the 2G scam.
So, will this tack of open naming (and attempted shaming) of the Ambani brothers reduce their effectiveness in getting things done? Former petroleum secretary T.N.R. Rao isn’t optimistic. “They (Mukesh and Anil) may not do it so brazenly,” he says, while admitting that “the outcry has made political leaders, including petroleum minister Veerappa Moily, take the correct stand by stating that there will be no review of KG basin gas price till 2014.”
Contrast this with another popular perception. “Nothing will go wrong for them. The petroleum ministry is their property,” says a retired top bureaucrat who has seen the Ambanis at work over decades. Indeed, it’s no secret the Ambanis ‘reward’ compliant bureaucrats with plum assignments; those who resist are shunted around. This applies across different levels of government, and in diverse ministries.
“The biggest enemy of Reliance is Reliance itself. In the sheer over-confidence in thinking they can handle everything, they manage to miscalculate the situation they are in a lot. I think largely it will be the old momentum that will carry their businesses through,” adds Debashis Basu, editor, Moneylife.
Other factors are also at play, say observers. “The Ambanis have had an issue with how they manage controversy, as also figuring out when they should lie low,” says Arun Kejriwal, director of stockmarket firm KRIS. More firms have learnt the tricks of the trade. Adds Girish Kuber, chief editor of Loksatta: “The economy has changed direction. No one thought anyone could lobby against Reliance once, but now that has changed.”
Although investors still believe in Reliance’s stock, market experts say there has been considerable erosion in value and faith. Reliance Industries’ shares in 2007 traded at a high of around Rs 3,000; today it hovers around Rs 700. Weighed down by debt and controversy, Anil Ambani’s businesses aren’t in the pinkest of health either.
“Let’s face it, the Ambanis don’t care what people think of them. In terms of business, they have got ahead by being ruthless and that will continue,” says a senior executive in Reliance. Reliance’s long track-record in dealing with controversies makes some think the current storm will pass. “I wouldn’t even term it a storm in a tea cup; it is a storm in an empty cup,” argues Kumar Ketkar, chief editor of Dainik Divya Marathi, and a journalist for over 40 years.
So will the fusillade of allegations and the constant insinuations about their clout lower the Ambani brothers’ effectiveness (even if temporarily) in managing government? Well, for now, everyone is going to be a bit more careful. The cynical view is that little will change.
By Arti Sharma with Lola Nayar and Prachi Pinglay-Plumber
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
India has long been sold to business people like any other country.All countries capitulate in frot of capitalism.As lon as people worship money nothing can change this paradigm and the resultant tragedy.It is not possible to bring a revolution as it was in the past as the rich run this world through corrupt Govts.I other words this is rich mafia that is running this world and India is no exception.
A relevant link to be read with the above article: http://blogs.rediff.com/mkbhadrakumar/2012/11/01/reliance-scam-has-wider-ramifications/.
The question is, is it in the interest of India? I pretty much understand, that the sector directs how much trucks ply, and the cost of cooking gas. We must see, that the business house is perhaps wanting to be really as relevant as possible. The plain fact is, the interest of the division of Mr. Mukesh Ambani's group, is the direct interest of India. It seems, in this scenario, the group cannot be irresponsible to itself. It was said, that the natural gas, and crude oil refined, would be the most economical available to the end consumer.
For all their faults, the Ambanis remain Indian passport holding citizens.
The TATA money however, is owned by a reclusive chap who recently took Irish citizenship, thereby transferring 25% of the capital outside the country.
Not many are aware of this, and its significance is not debated.
Mukesh and Anil Ambani have controlled government for too long and gotten rich only based on corruption. Reliance couldn't be where it is now, if their father Dirubhai didn't manipulate policies and natural resources for their own benefit. Both of these brothers should be ashamed of themselves.
It is said that western companies in other nations spend 100 million to gain 1 billion dollars in efficiency and increase profits. Ambanis spend 10 million on politicians and bureaucrats to change policy to garner guaranteed profit of 1 billion.
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