Like you, Modiji, my Sanskrit and Hindi tutor was a member of the RSS. He would put on his khaki shorts and go for lathi practice. He would also turn up, unfailingly, for Id dinners at our place, pointing out that he only ate at the houses of old Muslim families as they knew the value of cleanliness and hospitality. He would add that he could hardly eat with most Hindu families either, because “people have forgotten the old ways and only picked up the worst of the new ones”.
He was, unlike you, a Brahmin, but, like you, he did not believe in untouchability—I gradually learnt to admire his struggle against it and his inherited prejudices. He believed in a larger thing that he called mostly ‘Bharat’, but sometimes also ‘Hindustan’ or ‘India’. We knew him by his pen-name, for he wrote poetry in Hindi: Sainikji.
Sainikji did take care not to let our vessels touch his lips, pouring water down his gullet from a slight distance, and tossing mutton shami-kababs into his mouth with unerring accuracy. As long as he was alive, I visited him during my vacations at Gaya, just as I visited the other two teachers—both unsparingly dismissive of RSS ideology—who had left an impression on me. As long as I was in Gaya, my brother and I would go to Sainikji’s place for Diwali and Holi. Much of the Kalidas, Surdas, Meerabai and, above all, Kabir that I have, I owe to him.
I might not have written to you today if it had not been for Sainikji. I would have seen no reason to trust—and hence speak to—someone like you.
Unlike me, Sainikji would be celebrating today: you, an RSS protege, are now going to become prime minister. I cannot really celebrate as I was not impressed by your campaign or your past achievements, though I do not despair at either; I am willing to give you the benefit of doubt—for the sake of India and Sainikji.
There are many who shudder at the prospect of your leading the country; there are even more who are nervous, suspicious of what you stand for, and a bit wary of your reputation as a person who brooks no criticism. I hope your detractors are wrong, because I recall Sainikji as someone who wanted a prosperous and peaceful India. He associated this desire with RSS ideology, which I never will share, though it has nothing to do with me being a Muslim. But I do share the desire for a prosperous, peaceful India. I recall a doha by Kabir that Sainikji often repeated; it has stayed with me:
Nindak niyare raakhiye aangan kuti chhawaye/Bin sabun pani bina nirmal karat subhaye (keep your critic near you; build a hut for him in your courtyard/Without the expense of soap or water, he washes your heart).
I write to you in the memory of Sainikji, across our differences, because I believe that we are united by our desire to want the best for India. But you can’t do that without wanting the best for all Indians. There is no short cut. You might or might not agree with all these many Indians, and vice versa, but if you leave any of them out—or allow them to be treated unfairly—all of India will suffer.
During your acrimonious election campaign, I was not always convinced that you realised this. You needlessly attacked organisations central to our democracy and nationhood, such as the Election Commission. You sometimes behaved as if sending in the army and the police can solve all our problems. I am afraid you will be disabused of this method soon: it has not worked in Kashmir or Mizoram, and it is not going to work against the Maoists. If this is your preferred solution, then I am afraid you will plunge more of India into a kind of civil war. You will need to build bridges, not bomb them. Sainikji saw this, as did his great hero, Atal Behari Vajpayee.
One area where I differ from you, not as a Muslim or a secularist, but as a leftist, is in your understanding of economics. I see that much of your support comes from the urban middle business classes and their richer cousins abroad. I understand why they support you. Your vision of India—disciplined, developed, stable, open to investment—appeals to them. But there are two dangers here, both of which can cripple India.
You cannot reward your middle-class supporters—some from the rising lower middle castes—by creating a new ‘working’ class of ‘untouchables’ for them to bully. I am afraid that is what happened during the Gujarat riots, when lower- and middle-class Muslim businesses and businessmen were systematically targeted. This might have created space for some of your supporters, but it did not change anything in India: you cannot move some people up at the expense of other people. India, as I wrote earlier, is all Indians, each and every one of them.
As great a danger is posed by many of your NRI supporters, who expect you to liberalise India so as to profit from it. They want to invest, partly because they are Hindu nationalists and partly because it can offer them advantages denied to non-Indian investors. Where is the capitalist who does not favour a game rigged a bit in his favour?
The problem is that this has happened elsewhere: in South America, in East Asia, in Africa, even in Eastern Europe. Countries open up; they boom. Capital is ploughed into them, not as much by foreigners as by natives who have moved abroad. Then there is a hurdle; a political glitch, an economic slowdown, whatever. Suddenly these investors, with hearts in the ‘homeland’ but houses in richer countries, panic. Or they get fed up with lower rates of return. Capital is withdrawn; a minor economic blip turns into a major economic catastrophe. You see, most of these investors are patriotic only as long as the profit is good.
So finally, Modiji, you will have to re-examine many of your beliefs, at the core of which is the fantasy that there was, is, or even can be, a singular ‘Hindu’ identity: not just Indians, but Hindus are and will remain diverse. What you will have to aim for is the old notion of unity in diversity. For that, you will have to invest, fairly and fully, in every Indian. You will have to make each Indian feel that she belongs, and on equal terms. You will have to tolerate differences, because one billion Indians can only live differently. If you are as big a man as they say you are, you should be able to do it. Sainikji was a much smaller man, at least physically, but I think he would have wanted to do it and given it a fairly good shot.
Khair is author of How to Fight Islamist Terror from the Missionary Position
Tabish Khair has the liberty to believe his moral posturing and specious arguments about how Modi’s win is bad for India (My Trust Reposed...). As much as I have the liberty to treat it as some nonsensical ranting of someone who prefers to live in denial.
This is about Tabish Khair’s column (My Trust Reposed..., In Sainikji, May 26). I am aghast at the venom Khair has spewed against Modi in his column, with no supporting evidence. At the same time, his article also aimed at creating and repeating the imaginary fear that stalks Indian Muslims. As for acrimonious speeches, I have never found a single nasty speech of Modi’s. Mostly, that lies in the domain of the Congress and parties like SP, RJD and BSP. I was pained at the relentless Modi-bashing in Outlook. It’s also shameful that Vinod Mehta has not been able to adjust to new realities and repeatedly failed to see any good in him.
Thank you to all those who have taken the trouble to read the article and share their thoughts. Out of the arguments made here, there are two that perhaps need answering. So here they go.
1. The first part of the article compares outcomes (relative percentages of population of the religions concerned) irrespective of the process that led to those outcomes - whether immigration, relatively faster population growth or conversions. This was for two reasons. One, to put the figure of 2.3 per cent in "numerical perspective", as the article itself explained. The second reason was that outcomes are ultimately what the crux of debate is about. The rest of the article in any case dealt with process - or conversions in this case, from both a contemporary and historical perspective.
2. Some commenters have tried to cast doubts on the reliability of Census 2001. Those who do this should bear in mind that Census 2001 was conducted by a BJP government. Considering the extreme importance that BJP gives to this issue, it would be reasonable to expect that IF it had perceived a problem with the methodology that was distorting the numbers, it would have fixed it. As the article mentioned, BJP or BJP-supported governments have been in power for 10 of the last 40 years, or about a quarter of the time, and the only reasonable conclusion one can arrive at is that any misreporting of numbers, real or perceived, would be marginal and hence, not of importance.
To all other arguments made, my answer is the following: Please read the article again, with particular focus on the quotations of Vivekananda and Monier Williams, and the history of the missionary efforts in Bengal and their outcome.
I am aghast at the venom Mr. Khair has spewed against Modi in his column with no supporting elements to his unfounded allegations and inferences that are mere figment of his imagination and aimed at continuing to create fear among Muslims and fostering hatred against Hindus and the RSS. As for the acrimonious campaign I have followed many speeches of various leaders and Modi never indulged in any acrimony. It was mostly the congress and sometines their firendly parties like SP, RJD and BSP. Sample some; Salman Khurshid: When Modi speaks he sounds like a Bhonpu (horn) and he has eyes like those of a rakshas (demon). Digvijay Singh and Rahul: Modi is a liar. Priyanka: They are running around like mice. Sonia: Maut ke Saudagar, Khoon ke Saudagar, Zeher Ki Kheti. Sibal or some other stooge I forget: Modi should be thrown into the sea. Rahul: 22,000 Musims will be killed by Modi. Lalu: Modi is a murderer.
I dare Mr. Khair to quote one venomous statement by Modi against any of these people. This is all besides the 12 years of continuously inflaming and fanning the Muslim sentiments and creating fear of and haterd against Hindus by Congress and other 'Secular Forces' that somehow keep instigating casteist considerations but mysteriously remain Secular and come together to defeat ONE man. Mr. Khair should stop mongering hatred and fear. And, by the way, has Mr. Khair ever seen what is happening in Gujarat. The Muslims are better off there than in any other states. There is highest percentage of Muslims in the police force in Gujarat.
All parties except BJP continuously spoke about Gujarat riots and Modi being anti-Muslim. Let Mr. Khair give one statement from Modi that smacks of any partisanism against them, much less anti-Muslim. This is saddeing that such peopel are causing hatred without going into facts or twisting and truning the truth to prove the false true.
I just went through the 26 May issue of Outlook. I am deeply pained at the hate mongering and Modi bashing in most articles and columns of the magazines. It is shameful that Vinod mehta has not been ale to adjust to new realities and has failed to see any good in Modi. Outlook derides Modi, castigates him, blames him for think its authors imagine, advises him on what he should do or not do, demands staements from him on contentious or sub-judIce issues. It is such a negative magazine that it can only harm the country. Or go into oblivion some day soon like B.K. Karanjia's Blitz.
More surprising is Vinod Mehta fails to recognize the vilification campaing against Modi for the last 12 years by Congress and its allies, forstering fear, mistrust and hatred among Muslims against Hindus. Is it what good journalism is about?
I am aghast at the venom Mr. Khair has spewed against Modi in his column with no supporting elements to his unfounded allegations and inferences that are mere figment of his imagination and aimed at continuing to create fear among Muslims and fostering hatred against Hindus and the RSS. As for the acrimonious campaign I have followed many speeches of various leaders and Modi never indulged in any acrimony. It was mostly the congress and sometines their firendly parties like SP, RJD and BSP. Sample some; Salman Khurshid: When Modi speaks he sounds like a Bhonpu (horn) and he has eyes like those of a rakshas (demon). Digvijay Singh and Rahul: Modi is a liar. Priyanka: They are running around like mice. Sonia: Maut ke Saudagar, Khoon ke Saudagar, Zeher Ki Kheti. Sibal or some other stooge I forget: Modi should be thrown into the sea. Rahul: 22,00 Musims will be killed by Modi. Lalu: Modi is a murderer.
I dare Mr. Khair to quote one venomous statement by Modi against any of these people. This is all besides the 12 years of continuously inflaming the Muslim sentiments and creater fear of and haterd against Hindus by Congress and pther 'Secular Forces' that somehow keep instigating casteist considerations but mysteriously remain Secular and come together to defeat ONE man. Mr. Khair should stop mongering hatred and fear.
Its a BIT ridiculous that you talk of INCLUSIVE CRAP over n over again.
You fail to educate yourself or you are acting BLIND on HOW the VOTE BANK polity of India has moved on and is looking towards an aspirational and "CAN DO IT" INDIA.
A rising tide lifts all boats... some fast some slow... U cannot discount that.
What a Crappy peice, Is THIS published just for another point of View ???
I have tried many a time to explain that we as a people are accomodative. Various statistics such as the population growth of our minorities, special status designed to give them benefits, and facts such as this find no resonance from the left intelligentsia.
Provide statistics on terror attacks, you will be rebuked saying that the original reason was Hindutva. Provide statistics on development, you will be rebuked saying that human development Indices are way below.. Cite international awards for various activities taken by Gujrat government, a rude silence with a theatrical and indulgent look that tells you that you are not part of the intellectual crowd but a stupid main stream public...The stupid public decided to slap such intellectuals on their smirk and the result is the election results 2014.
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