Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, Benazir's son, who was seated in the Speaker's gallery, couldn't control himself—he took off his glasses to wipe his tears away. Very rarely is it that the leader of the biggest political party sheds tears publicly.

But then, Bilawal is a typical 19-year-old, his experiences haven't yet formed a cyst around his emotions; a son who mourned the demise of his mother in a university room in England, away from the family.

"In prison, I used to watch all of Ash's movies on my laptop. I confess, I'm a great fan of Ash," says Gilani

Emotions in the National Assembly (NA) rose to a tide as Gilani stopped before the speaker's gallery, on his way to take the seat of the leader of the House. He tightly grasped the hand of Bilawal, exchanging not a word, perhaps silently communicating what all those present there knew: "If only she was here, this would have been her day." The lusty cheering transformed the proceeding of the NA into a PPP jalsa. As political analyst Amir Mateen said, "The House, the galleries, the corridors, everybody and everything was afire with emotions. Old-timers resented the way parliamentary decorum was breached. But then, who cared?"

There were some who did doubt the sagacity of those who pitched Bilawal into the limelight, according primacy to dynastic politics at a time when Pakistan was just rediscovering democracy. As Shireen Mazari of the Institute of Strategic Studies put it, "It's not proper, having a 19-year-old sitting in the speaker's gallery...and made to appear like a king."

But the PPP has been choosing ceremony over propriety. Days before, there was a media outcry lambasting the proposal to have Bilawal announce the name of the prime ministerial candidate. The daily, Dawn, was scathing, "...one is appalled that the PPP central executive committee, which includes some stalwarts since the Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto days, needed a 19-year-old to sell its decision to the party rank and file. If this is the beginning of the new, democratic era, one wonders how things will go when the PPP government is finally in the saddle and goes about meeting the gargantuan challenges facing the nation." The criticism stung the PPP into cancelling Bilawal's press conference.

Throughout the last week, even during the ceremony in which President Pervez Musharraf administered the oath of office to Gilani, the spirit of Benazir dominated Pakistan; her death, after all, was the reason why Gilani had become PM. Who is Gilani, Indians might ask. A descendant of Moosa Pak Shaheed, a great saint of Multan, he belongs to a family steeped in politics and religion, a mix often considered volatile. Outlook readers can take heart, Gilani isn't orthodox. In an interview to Geo TV, Gilani proclaimed a love for Hindi films and, yes, Aishwarya Rai. He said, "While in prison I used to watch all of Ash's movies on my laptop...let me admit, I'm a great fan of Ash." And during his imprisonment under the Zia regime, he said he had spent time listening to Lata Mangeshkar's songs. For most Pakistanis, his confession should mark the advent of years of 'enlightened moderation'—a term Musharraf coined to please the West, but rendered hollow for his countrymen.

Gilani combines a winsome demeanour with a firm and steely resolve, two seemingly contradictory qualities which endear him to partymen. He's also his own man—as speaker, he twice defied Benazir during her second term (1993-96) as PM. In the first instance, he issued orders allowing jailed Opposition mnas to attend the House. Again, when Benazir wanted to disqualify her rival, Jam Sadiq, from the NA because of prolonged absence, Gilani moved promptly to ensure Sadiq applied for leave. A miffed Benazir had even complained about 'her speaker'. So why did PPP boss and Benazir's husband, Asif Ali Zardari, choose him as PM, a man who's unlikely to act as his proxy?

Partly, it's the tug of war between Punjab and Sindh which prompted Zardari to select Gilani over Amin Fahim, who had been declared the PPP's candidate for PM days after the assassination. For the PPP to win the next general election, which will pit Zardari against Nawaz Sharif, it's imperative for the party to improve its performance in Punjab. Gilani hails from Multan in south Punjab; his tenure may help the PPP spread its wings to other parts of the province. For the moment, Gilani isn't seen as a threat by Sharif, whose Pakistan Muslim League's base is north Punjab.

Nor should Sindh feel upset over the sidelining of its son, Fahim. The Bhuttos, after all, will still call the shots at the Centre. The PPP also hopes to retain its base through the development work its provincial government is expected to undertake. (The tug of war between Sindh and Punjab, in fact, underlay the proposal of getting Bilawal to announce the name of the prime ministerial candidate. As a PPP insider told Outlook, "The idea was that if the name came from Benazir's son, it would be more acceptable to Sindh.") But now Gilani too can boast of ties with Sindh—a night before he took oath as PM he flew to Karachi to attend the wedding of his son to the granddaughter of Pir Pagaro, a spiritual leader revered in Sindh.

Gilani became PM also because of deep suspicions about Fahim's cosy relationship with Musharraf, a relationship fostered during the several meetings the two had at the behest of Benazir who was then in exile. Ironically, these meetings prompted the release of Zardari from jail. As Fahim said in an interview, "I always had these meetings on the instructions of Benazir and never have I ever benefited from them personally." But what cooked Fahim's goose were reports of one meeting between him and Musharraf, apparently held following the assassination of Benazir, about which Zardari claims he didn't know. He was provided an opportunity to renege on his promise to Fahim when his nomination was declared problematic by the Sharif camp.

Loyalty too tilted the balance in Gilani's favour. A day before Gilani was elected PM, Zardari told The News, "Gilani sahib slept in Adiala jail without any proper bed for three months but he never contacted his powerful friends and influential relatives for help, he remained loyal to his party during his four years of jail time (served during Musharraf's tenure), we have a lot of respect for him and he was the best available choice for the PPP for the post of prime minister."

Gilani has already won accolades for releasing the Supreme Court judges from house arrest. He now has to prove he can overcome the economic crisis and overpower the militants.