In the end, the UPA's choice for the next President was both a Patil and a Shekhawat-- Rajasthan Governor Pratibha Patil. Not to mention a "Marathi manoos", something that has already provoked Shiv Sena boss Bal Thackeray to begin drumming up support for her even in the BJP! And though Pratibha Patil has always used her maiden name, the name by which she was elected MLA in 1962, a little known fact is that her husband is a Dr Devisingh Ramsingh Shekhawat.

She was nicknamed "haldi kumkum bai" for her traditional looks. But Patil is also the quiet feminist.

Indeed, after Congress president Sonia Gandhi announced the name "Pratibha Patil" at a UPA-Left meeting at 7, Race Course Road, a beaming Union agriculture minister Sharad Pawar shouted out gleefully, "Pratibha Patil-Shekhawat".

And so, after hard-fought UPA-Left negotiations, it was seen to be fitting that a woman becomes India's First Citizen in its 60th year of independence. In political circles, the UPA's choice is being seen as a masterstroke: not just the symbolism of having a woman in Rashtrapati Bhavan, but to find one named Shekhawat, as many had feared Vice-President Bhairon Singh Shekhawat-- who had said he will contest as an independent-- might be able to induce cross-voting. Congressmen now triumphantly say, "Rajput chivalry demands Bhairon Singh step down for a 'daughter-in-law' of Rajasthan." Sonia is said to have called former PM A.B. Vajpayee for NDA's support. "It's too late to ask for support now," he is reported to have replied.

So who is Pratibha Patil? For one, after it was decided to field a woman, she emerged as the one with most impressive CV. (The others who figured on the 'shortlist' of 10 included noted Gandhian Nirmala Deshpande, senior Congress leaders Mohsina Kidwai and Margaret Alva.) At 72, Patil can look back on a varied political career, after she did her MA in her native Jalgaon and took a law degree in Mumbai. As a member of the Maharashtra assembly (1962-85), she was a cabinet minister several times, holding portfolios as diverse as education, health, urban development, prohibition and parliamentary affairs. Later, as Leader of the Opposition (1979-80), she had the tricky task of holding her own against Pawar, who had left the Congress to become CM of a Congress (S)-led alliance.

The line she is most remembered for is: "You should know the stuff which Pratibhas are made of"-- a reference to Pawar's own strong-willed, though apolitical, wife, also named Pratibha. (Now, though, Pratibha Patil has Pawar's full support: he's content in having blocked Shivraj Patil's elevation.)

Later, in the Rajya Sabha, she was deputy chairperson in '86-88. In '91, she was elected to the Lok Sabha. Ironically, after she had spent close to a decade out of the mainstream, it was apparently Shivraj Patil whose idea it was to pluck her out of semi-retirement for the post of Rajasthan governor in '04. Some of her colleagues say she owes her many firsts not so much to her innate qualities, but simply by being in the right place at the right time-- and a woman to boot. (This time, she happened to be the sole woman governor.)

She combines all the qualities typical of a Maharashtrian politician-- a range of welfare activities, links with the cooperative bank movement, a sugar factory in Jalgaon. And she has organisational experience too-- she was MPCC chief from 1988 to 1990. On the other hand, she is atypical; she has never pushed any of her relatives. Civil servants who have seen her at work describe her as "clean, decent, efficient-- one of the few women ministers who did not allow her husband to interfere". An IAS officer said, "She not only has administrative experience but she will bring a certain gravitas and dignity to the job."

Her look is decidedly traditional, with a demurely covered head-- in fact, she was nicknamed "haldi kumkum bai" not just for her large vermilion bindi, but because she used the traditional 'haldi kumkum' gatherings to draw women into the political sphere. But she is also the quiet feminist. She used her maiden name all her life and married late, at 31. She fits the Left's requirements-- "political", "someone of stature", and with solid secular credentials: in Rajasthan, she returned the BJP's controversial Freedom of Religion Bill in May 2006.

But how did her name emerge? The Congress's initial panel had four names-- Pranab Mukherjee, Shivraj Patil, Sushilkumar Shinde and Karan Singh. After the Left endorsed Pranab's name, all the UPA allies too accepted him. But gradually it emerged that Sonia's choice was Shivraj. He was not acceptable either to the Left or to the DMK-- the NCP, too, had reservations. Pranab, on his part, was compelled by the high command-- after the Left reiterated its support for him-- to issue two denials of any interest in the race, the last one just a day before D-day. "While I am grateful for the trust and confidence placed in me by some leaders, I reiterate my role in party and government is decided by the Congress leadership," he wrote.

About this time, the NDA decided to field Bhairon Singh as an independent to make it "easier" for unhappy UPA allies to cross-vote; there was also talk of a Third Front man. UP CM Mayawati's announcement that she would support the UPA candidate was phrased in such a way as to raise the Left's hackles-- it sounded as if she and Sonia were the sole arbiters.

Denouement: June 13 night. DMK boss M. Karunanidhi arrived in Delhi. He and Left leaders spoke to UPA allies-- Pawar, Laloo Prasad et al-- on the need to keep Shivraj out. A flurry of meetings ensued. The crucial one was the one around noon, June 14, at the PM's residence. Here, Sonia, Prakash Karat, Sitaram Yechury, A.B. Bardhan and D. Raja were present. The Left suggested it might be a good idea to have a woman. To which the PM, who had drawn up a list of possibles, suggested Pratibha Patil. After this, sources said, Bardhan-- who grew up in Nagpur and knows her well-- spoke on her background. That clinched it. Shortly, Ahmed Patel was despatched to Tamil Nadu House for talks with Karunanidhi-- the name was accepted. Later, Sonia Gandhi made Patil's name public.

For the Congress it's not just a President for 2007, but one for 2009. It is crucial to have a trusted loyalist in Rashtrapati Bhavan for the next election. The protracted negotiations also made one thing clear: 2007 is not 2004. Sonia had faced no opposition then in pushing her candidate, Manmohan Singh, for PM. Dazzled by her sacrifice, they had all accepted her choice. This time, that halo stands dimmed by a string of electoral defeats-- an indication of the troubles that lie ahead.

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By Smita Gupta with Smruti Koppikar